Kerala: Political history - Revision history

Jyoti: /* The Communist government of 1957 */

2026-06-24T20:16:19Z

‎The Communist government of 1957

Jyoti at 17:49, 17 August 2025

2025-08-17T17:49:27Z

Jyoti: /* 2024 */

2025-06-11T18:46:12Z

‎2024

Jyoti: /* Governor versus state government/chief minister */

2024-08-12T17:47:28Z

‎Governor versus state government/chief minister

Jyoti: /* Governor versus state government/chief minister */

2024-06-13T16:43:35Z

‎Governor versus state government/chief minister

Jyoti: /* 2020 */

2024-06-12T03:55:30Z

‎2020

Jyoti: /* Governor versus state government/chief minister */

2024-04-29T01:46:15Z

‎Governor versus state government/chief minister

Jyoti: /* Governor versus state government/chief minister */

2024-04-29T01:45:47Z

‎Governor versus state government/chief minister

Jyoti at 10:32, 29 October 2022

2022-10-29T10:32:33Z

Jyoti: /* 2018 */

2021-03-31T08:49:55Z

‎2018

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 The writer is a lecturer in intelligence studies at King’s College London. He is the author of two monographs, The Cold War in South Asia: Britain, the United States and the Indian Subcontinent, 1945-1965 (Cambridge University Press, 2013) and Spying in South Asia: Britain, the United States and India’s Secret Cold War (Cambridge University Press, 2024)
 =’Demographics’: important caste and religious groups in politics=

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  Surprising, because he was ranged against two formidable candidates, while 39% of the electorate in the constituency comprises minority votes—16% Christian and 23% Muslim votes. BJP had pursued an aggressive statewide strategy of seeking Christian support and it appears to have paid dividends, especially among its more affluent sections in Thrissur.
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← Older revision		Revision as of 17:47, 12 August 2024
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	Khan, who had all along been silent on the protest he faced at Kannur University, raised the issue only after the hullabaloo over the inflight protest against CM Vijayan by two Youth Congress workers last July. He claimed the “protocol violation” at the history congress was part of a planned attempt on his life and criticised the state government for not initiating police action against Habib and others.		Khan, who had all along been silent on the protest he faced at Kannur University, raised the issue only after the hullabaloo over the inflight protest against CM Vijayan by two Youth Congress workers last July. He claimed the “protocol violation” at the history congress was part of a planned attempt on his life and criticised the state government for not initiating police action against Habib and others.
		+
		+	==HC quashes Governor’s nominations to University of Kerala senate==
		+	[https://indianexpress.com/article/india/kerala-hc-khan-nominations-university-senate-9343393/ May 21, 2024: ''The Indian Express'']
		+
		+
		+	'' The court, however, did not interfere with the nominations of the state government to the senate of the same university. ''
		+
		+	In a blow to Governor Arif Mohammed Khan, the High Court here on Tuesday quashed the nominations made by him as Chancellor of Universities to the senate of the University of Kerala and directed him to select fresh nominees within a period of six weeks.
		+
		+	The court, however, did not interfere with the nominations of the state government to the senate of the same university.
		+
		+	While quashing the nominations made by Khan, the court observed that “there is no unbridled power vested with the Chancellor while making the nominations in terms of the statutory provisions”.
		+
		+	Justice Mohammed Nias C P said that if a nomination made is contrary to the statutory requirement or if irrelevant factors were considered in making the decision, “the nominations will have to be interfered with by the constitutional courts”.
		+
		+	The court said that any arbitrary use of power violates not only the rule of equality enshrined in Article 14 of the Constitution of India but also the rule of discrimination inbuilt in Article 16.
		+
		+	“An unguided, unfettered and unbridled power is foreign to the exercise of any power, constitutional or statutory. It is trite that even in the exercise of discretionary power, the requirements of reasonableness, rationality, impartiality, fairness and equity are inherent to such exercise and can never be according to any private opinion.
		+
		+	“Under such circumstances, the nominations made (by the Chancellor) are to be interfered with and accordingly, they are quashed,” the court said.
		+
		+	The order came on the two separate pleas by four students of the university challenging the nominations to the senate made by Khan in the categories of Fine Arts, Sports, Humanities and Science.
		+
		+	The petitioners had alleged that the normal procedures were not followed by the Chancellor and persons with no merit, as compared to them, were nominated to the senate.
		+
		+	They also sought directions to the Chancellor to nominate them to the senate.
		+
		+	The court directed Khan to “make fresh nominations considering the claims of the writ petitioners as well” and in tune with the provisions of the Kerala University Act, 1974.
		+
		+	“This shall be done within a period of six weeks from the date of receipt of a copy of this judgment,” it said allowing the two petitions challenging the Chancellor’s nominations.
		+
		+	The court, in its order, observed that even though no procedure as such was stated in the statute, it compels the persons nominated to be of outstanding academic ability when it comes to Humanities and outstanding ability when it comes to the other three categories.
		+
		+	“The term outstanding ability certainly denotes a superior ability or performance. No credentials of the respondents (nominated students) are shown which makes them superior to the writ petitioners. No single factor of the nominated students is shown superior to the abilities of the writ petitioners.
		+
		+
		+	“True, it is only a nomination and there is an element of discretion involved while making choices. Even for that, eligibility criteria fixed in the statute cannot be forgotten even though it is only a nomination and not a selection,” the court said.
		+
		+	In the third petition challenging the nominations to the senate by the state government, the petitioner had claimed that the nominees did not have any experience in the field of higher education and that they had several crimes registered against them, thus making them ineligible to hold the post of government representatives.
		+
		+	Dismissing the petition, the court said that on examining the credentials of the government representatives, “it is difficult to hold that they are not from the field of higher education”.
		+
		+	It also said that the criminal cases against the nominees were registered “as part of their activities in public life”.
		+
		+	“That apart, they are all cases pending investigation and no court of law has found respondents 4 to 6 (government representatives) guilty of the offences alleged and therefore, mere pendency of cases cannot be treated as a disqualification making respondents 4 to 6 ineligible for nomination.
		+
		+	“Given my findings that they cannot be said to be persons not connected with the field of higher education, I do not find any merit to interfere with the nomination and accordingly the said writ petition is dismissed,” the court said.
		+
		+	The High Court’s decision was welcomed by the ruling Left government in Kerala and the CPI(M).
		+
		+	State Law Minister P Rajeev said that the Chancellor of Universities cannot be seen as a “sovereign republic”.
		+
		+	CPI(M) state secretary M V Govindan termed the court decision as a setback for the “political games” of the Governor.
		+
		+	He said that despite the state government submitting a panel of students who excelled in their respective fields, Khan, in alleged violation of the norms, nominated Sangh Parivar members to the senate for political reasons.
		+
		+	Govindan contended the court’s order makes it clear that the government’s approach in the field of higher education is correct and that of the Governor was wrong.
		+
		+	The CPI(M) state secretary said that the order also exposed the Sangh Parivar’s alleged interventions using the Governor to create a crisis in the state and it was also a blow to the UDF and BJP leadership that supported Khan’s actions and stood against the government.
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	=Lok Sabha=		=Lok Sabha=

← Older revision		Revision as of 16:43, 13 June 2024
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	Khan, who had all along been silent on the protest he faced at Kannur University, raised the issue only after the hullabaloo over the inflight protest against CM Vijayan by two Youth Congress workers last July. He claimed the “protocol violation” at the history congress was part of a planned attempt on his life and criticised the state government for not initiating police action against Habib and others.		Khan, who had all along been silent on the protest he faced at Kannur University, raised the issue only after the hullabaloo over the inflight protest against CM Vijayan by two Youth Congress workers last July. He claimed the “protocol violation” at the history congress was part of a planned attempt on his life and criticised the state government for not initiating police action against Habib and others.
		+
		+	=Lok Sabha=
		+	==2024==
		+	===LDF loses traditional Hindu vote banks to BJP===
		+	[https://epaper.indiatimes.com/article-share?article=06_06_2024_020_005_cap_TOI June 6, 2024: ''The Times of India'']
		+
		+
		+	Kochi: The ruling LDF won only one seat out of 20 in Kerala despite a very efficient campaign and fielding heavy-hitter candidates in several key constituencies. Also, unlike in 2019, there was no discernible proUDF wave nor a burning issue like Sabarimala, which makes the LDF rout this time something of a political conundrum.
		+
		+	Interestingly, after the 2019 LS poll debacle, CPM’s central committee had advised the state leadership to formulate a strategy to win over traditional Hindu vote banks.
		+
		+	The 2024 results in constituencies such as Alappuzha and Attingal show that the voting of a major section of Ezhava community — considered the backbone of the party — in favour of BJP affected the prospects of LDF candidates. The LDF’s vote share has dropped by just 2% — in 2019 it was 35.3% while this time it is 33.3%. As per Election Commission data, CPM vote share this time is 25.82% (51,00,964 votes) while vote share for CPI, the second biggest partner in LDF, is 6.14% (12,12,197 votes).
		+
		+	The erosion of votes has happened in Left strongholds. For instance, in a party bastion like Thaliparamba in Kannur, represented by CPM state secretary MV Govindan in the assembly, UDF candidate K Sudhakaran managed to secure a lead of 8,787 votes. While LDF had secured 80,719 votes in the assembly segment in the 2019 LS election, it has come down to 75,544 votes this time. Also, LDF’s Kannur candidate MV Jayarajan could secure only wafer-thin leads of just 2,616 votes in Dharmadom where CM Pinarayi Vijayan had won with a margin of over 50,123 votes in 2021 assembly polls and 3,034 votes in Mat- tannur from where former health minister K K Shailaja won by the record margin of over 60,000 votes. In 10 constituencies, Left candidates were defeated by a whopping margin of over 1 lakh votes.
		+
		+	Political observers feel that the vote erosion in Left strongholds cannot be viewed as part of the traditional pattern where people generally prefer UDF in Parliament elections and has more to do with antiincumbency against the Left govt in the state.
		+
		+	Also, the CPM campaign’s excessive focus on Muslim votes and underpinning its entire campaign on issues like CAA, the Gaza invasion and Uniform Civil code backfired. The party failed to win a single seat out of eight in the Malabar region that stretches from Kasargod to Palakkad, where all seats have over 25% Muslim population.
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	=Minority communities=		=Minority communities=

← Older revision		Revision as of 01:46, 29 April 2024
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	Khan, who had all along been silent on the protest he faced at Kannur University, raised the issue only after the hullabaloo over the inflight protest against CM Vijayan by two Youth Congress workers last July. He claimed the “protocol violation” at the history congress was part of a planned attempt on his life and criticised the state government for not initiating police action against Habib and others.		Khan, who had all along been silent on the protest he faced at Kannur University, raised the issue only after the hullabaloo over the inflight protest against CM Vijayan by two Youth Congress workers last July. He claimed the “protocol violation” at the history congress was part of a planned attempt on his life and criticised the state government for not initiating police action against Habib and others.
		+
		+	=Minority communities=
		+	==Political importance, 2024==
		+	[https://epaper.indiatimes.com/article-share?article=23_04_2024_013_016_cap_TOI Rajeev K R & Jaikrishnan Nair, TNN, April 24, 2024: ''The Times of India'']
		+
		+	[[File: Districts in Kerala where minority communities are in the majority, 2024.jpg\|Districts in Kerala where minority communities are in the majority, 2024 <br/> From: [https://epaper.indiatimes.com/article-share?article=23_04_2024_013_016_cap_TOI Rajeev K R & Jaikrishnan Nair, TNN, April 24, 2024: ''The Times of India'']\|frame\|500px]]
		+
		+	The quest for minority votes has been the holy grail for political parties in Kerala during elections, more so this time with BJP emerging a strong contender in the state. Congressled UDF and CPM-led LDF are battling it out on who can stand up against the “communal fascist agenda” of the Sangh Parivar.
		+
		+	In Malabar districts, not a single night has passed since the Centre notified the rules of Citizenship (Amendment) Act (CAA) on March 16 without political parties hitting the streets with flaming torches and chanting spirited anti-CAA slogans. Such aggressive wooing of minority issues is not surprising as Muslim and Christian communities together account for 44.9% of the state’s population as per the 2011 Census and political parties say that the figure would have only increased.
		+
		+	In the larger Malabar region, which has eight constituencies spanning from Palakkad in the geographical centre of the state to the northernmost district of Kasaragod, all the seats have over 25% Muslim population — Kasaragod (30.8% approx), Kannur (26% approx), Vadakara (31.2%), Kozhikode (36.7%), Wayanad (41%), Malappuram (68%), Ponnani (62.4%) and Palakkad (29.4%). Also, when the Christian community is taken into consideration, 13 out of the state’s 20 seats have a minority population share of over 35%. There are six seats in the state where the Christian population has an over 20% share, mostly in the southern half of the state, the highest being in Idukki (41.8%) and Pathanamthitta (39.6%).
		+
		+	The state’s history reveals that every time there has been even a flutter in minority voting behaviour, the electoral impact has been tectonic for both LDF and UDF. For instance, in the 2019 parliamentary elections, UDF won 19 of the 20 seats powered by the consolidation of Muslim and Christian votes, aided by the Wayanad candidature of Rahul Gandhi, who was projected as the future Prime Minister. According to a Lokniti CSDS post-poll survey, UDF secured 65% of Muslim votes and 70% of Christian votes while LDF got only 28% and 24%, respectively, in 2019.
		+
		+	After LDF’s debacle in the 2019 LS polls, the tables turned in the 2021 assembly elections, which marked the first instance of LDF tasting success in their minority outreach and efforts to develop a trust factor. Chief minister Pinarayi Vijayan himself spearheaded the 2019 antiCAA movement with his announcement that it won’t be implemented in the state and the assembly passed a unanimous resolution against the Act. The election saw both Muslims and Christians warming up to LDF and helped it script an encore for the first time in the state’s electoral history by bagging 99 seats and reducing UDF to 41 seats. According to the postpoll CSDS Lokniti survey held in May 2021, there was an uptick in both Muslim and Christian votes for LDF — from 35% in the 2016 assembly elections to 39% in 2021.
		+
		+	Knowing well that Muslim votes could be a determining factor, both UDF and LDF have decided to focus on the fear and apprehensions about CAA and NRC and BJP’s promise of implementing a uniform civil code. Congress is trying to appeal to minorities that as the prime opponent of BJP with a panIndia presence, it is the best bet against Sangh Parivar politics. It is also claiming that there is a tacit understanding between CPM and BJP to cover up corruption charges against top CPM leaders. On the other hand, CPM’s campaign has been focused on hammering in the message to minorities that Congress can’t be trusted. It has been harping on the highprofile defections of 12 former CMs from Congress across the country to BJP, and the switching of sides by the son of A K Antony and the daughter of K Karunakaran. Also, in the race for minority votes, CPM has been wooing IUML supporters by saying the party is getting a raw deal in UDF. At the same time, CPM is supporting IUML detractors in Samastha Kerala Sunni Jamiyyathul Ulema, the influential body of Sunni scholars.
		+
		+	Christians, traditionally, are a guaranteed vote bank for UDF. Leaders like the late Oommen Chandy had very close links with all church leaders though now, UDF doesn’t have leaders of that stature to keep this relationship going. While the majority of the church denominations is not happy with the governing LDF, it is not clear if they would tilt fully to UDF this time too. However, Fr Antony Vadakkekara VC, public relations officer of the Syro-Malabar church, said that the church never takes a political stand during elections — “we only want all our members to exercise their voting rights. They are free to decide who to vote for” — he listed some issues that Christian voters should give priority to. Human-animal conflict in places close to forest regions, fall in rubber price, liquor policy of LDF govt, the approach of the Centre towards the farmers’ strike, backdoor appointments in public services and, last but not least, the alleged persecution of Christians in Manipur and other places are some of the issues the church is raising.
		+
		+	There are roughly over 50 lakh Syro-Malabar Catholics in the state and around 5-6 lakh abroad. The strongholds of the church are Ernakulam, Chalakkudy, Thrissur, Kottayam, Mavelikkara and Pathanamthitta. They are also strong in certain pockets in Vadakara, Calicut and Kannur. Latin Catholics, who have a strong presence in the coastal areas, too have raised a few issues with the state govt and the opposition.
		+
		+	“Based on the response to our demands from either parties, we will take a final decision,” said Sherry J Thomas, state president of Kerala Latin Christian Association. There are around 20 lakh Latin Catholics and are a force to reckon with in the coastal areas of Thiruvananthapuram, Kollam, Alappuzha and Kochi.
		+
		+	The feud between the Orthodox and Jacobite factions of the Malankara church is another decisive factor in Ernakulam, Pathanamthitta and Mavelikkara. Though the Orthodox church has not taken a public stand, the recent speech by the CM favouring the Church Act during a Jacobite church function in Kochi has not gone down well. The presence of various Pentecostal groups, especially in Pathanamthitta and Mavelikkara, cannot be seen lightly. Similarly, Mar Thoma church in Pathanamathitta and the CSI church in Idukki are also decisive.

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← Older revision		Revision as of 01:45, 29 April 2024
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		+
		+
		+	=’Demographics’: important caste and religious groups in politics=
		+	==As in 2024==
		+	[https://indianexpress.com/article/political-pulse/kerala-elections-key-groups-behind-power-play-9285435/ Shaju Philip, April 25, 2024: ''The Indian Express'']
		+
		+	Various castes and communities in Kerala play a crucial role in driving the politics of the leading parties and their alliances. In the election season, from the selection of candidates to the framing of planks to running of their campaigns, the interests and concerns of such communities are factored in by the parties as part of their strategies to retain vote banks and expand bases to the rival turfs in the state.
		+
		+	''' Ezhavas '''
		+
		+	The single largest Hindu community in Kerala, Ezhavas make up about 23% population of the state. The Ezhava community belonging to the OBC category has traditionally been a part of the ruling CPI(M)-led Left Democratic Front (LDF)’s vote bank.
		+
		+	The community’s largest outfit SNDP Yogam floated a political party, Bharat Dharma Jana Sena (BDJS), in 2015. The BDJS has been an ally of the BJP-led NDA in the state since the 2016 Assembly polls. However, the BJP has not been able to make inroads into the Ezhava community through the BDJS mainly because the latter’s grassroots level workers are the SNDP Yogam’s members, who are associated with various parties, especially the CPI(M).
		+
		+	During the BJP-led agitation against the entry of women into the Sabarimala temple in 2018, the BDJS backed the protesters. However, the BDJS patron and SNDP Yogam general secretary, Vellappally Natesan, remained with the CPI(M)-led government’s “renaissance movement platform” formed to counter the Sabarimala agitation.
		+	In the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, the BDJS contested, unsuccessfully, 4 seats out of 20, but got only 1.88% of votes. Its ally BJP contested 15 seats, but again failed to open its account while getting 13% votes.
		+
		+	In the 2021 Assembly elections, the BDJS contested 21 out of 140 seats, but its vote share dipped further to 1.06%. The BJP contested 113 seats, but drew a blank while its vote share fell to 11.30%. In many of these seats, the LDF emerged victorious or improved its vote share as compared to the previous elections.
		+
		+	In the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, the BDJS is again contesting 4 seats as compared to the BJP’s 16 seats. BDJS chairman Thushar Vellappally is in the fray from Kottayam while BJP leader and Union minister V Muraleedharan is contesting from the Attingal seat, where Ezhavas form a sizeable chunk of the voters.
		+
		+	''' Muslims '''
		+
		+	Muslims are the second-largest religious community in the state, making up 26% of its population. The Muslim community politics in Kerala has been traditionally dominated by the IUML, an ally of the Congress-led United Democratic Front (UDF). The churning in the community in the last two decades have led to formation of several parties and splinter groups, but they have remained behind the IUML, which is part of mainstream politics at the state and national levels.
		+
		+	The Muslim voters play a decisive mainly in the North Kerala constituencies of Wayanad, Malappuram, Kozhikode, Vadakara, Kannur, Ponnani and Kasaragod.
		+
		+	The CPI (M) has been trying to make inroads into the community, mainly targeting Sunni Muslims, who have been closely associated with the IUML. The Muslim vote especially assumes significance in this election with the concerns over the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) turning into a major election issue in the state. Both the CPI(M) and the Congress have positioned themselves aggressively against the BJP, even as they are also taking on each other in the state while being the INDIA alliance partners at the national level.
		+
		+	''' Christians '''
		+
		+	The other minority community, Christians, which form 18% of the state’s population, has also been traditionally with the Congress. However, the decline of the regional Christian party Kerala Congress groups and the exits or deaths of the Congress’s key Christian faces have led to the BJP launching an outreach to the community.
		+
		+	In Central Kerala’s constituencies where the Christian vote is pivotal, the Congress and CPI(M) have vied with each other to take over the community vote bases from the Kerala Congress factions.
		+
		+	Among Christians, Catholics are the dominant group. While the Catholic Church has been grappling with some internal administrative issues, there have been differences between the Jacobite and Orthodox Churches over the control of certain churches.
		+
		+	There seems to be some resentment among a section of Christians over the bids of both the Congress and the CPI(M) to woo Muslims. The upper caste Chrisian groups have also been concerned with the Congress’s pitch for a national caste census.
		+
		+	This has given an opportunity to the BJP and the Sangh Parivar to make attempts to reach out to the Christian community.
		+
		+	The Manipur ethnic strife raging since May last year has however dealt a blow to the BJP’s bid to connect with Kerala’s Christians. The state’s Churches as well as dioceses seem to be divided on their approach towards the BJP in light of the Manipur crisis.
		+
		+	''' Nairs '''
		+
		+	The upper caste Hindu Nair community, which accounts for about 14% of Kerala’s population, is an influential group which has a strong representation in politics and governance. The community’s outfit Nair Service Society (NSS) had a political wing, National Democratic Party, which had been part of the UDF. It was dissolved in 1995 when the Congress was in power. The NSS has since officially stuck to its position of being “politically equidistant” from the parties.
		+	In the current Pinarayi Vijayan Cabinet, seven out of 21 ministers are Nairs, although the NSS leadership was believed to have been against the CPI(M) in the 2021 polls.
		+
		+	Recently, the NSS leadership hailed three-time MP Shashi Tharoor as an “original Nair”. Tharoor is contesting again as the Congress’s candidate from Thiruvananthapuram, where the Nair vote is considered a key factor.
		+
		+	The state Congress leadership also has other prominent Nair faces such as K C Venugopal, Ramesh Chennithala and K Muraleedharan.
		+
		+	Tharoor is taking on high-profile BJP candidate and Union minister Rajeev Chandrasekhar, who is also a Nair. In Kollam, Pathanamthitta and Kottayam seats too, the Nair community plays a decisive role in determining the poll outcome. The BJP’s candidate in Thrissur is actor-turned-politician Suresh Gopi, who also belongs to the Nair community.
		+
		+	''' Dalits '''
		+
		+	The Scheduled Castes (SCs) form about 9% of the state’s population, who have been mainly associated with the CPI(M) and the Congress through various organisations. Alalthur and Mavelikkara are two SC-reserved seats.
		+
		+	Six-time Lok Sabha member Kodikunnil Suresh, who is contesting from Mavelikkara, is the prominent Dalit politician from the Congress.
		+
		+	State minister K Radhakrishhan, who is contesting from the Alathur seat, is a leading Dalit face in the CPI(M). While Suresh is an invitee to the Congress Working Committee, Radhakrishan is a CPI(M) Central Committee member.


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	Khan, who had all along been silent on the protest he faced at Kannur University, raised the issue only after the hullabaloo over the inflight protest against CM Vijayan by two Youth Congress workers last July. He claimed the “protocol violation” at the history congress was part of a planned attempt on his life and criticised the state government for not initiating police action against Habib and others.		Khan, who had all along been silent on the protest he faced at Kannur University, raised the issue only after the hullabaloo over the inflight protest against CM Vijayan by two Youth Congress workers last July. He claimed the “protocol violation” at the history congress was part of a planned attempt on his life and criticised the state government for not initiating police action against Habib and others.
		+
		+	[[Category:India\|K KERALA: POLITICAL HISTORYKERALA: POLITICAL HISTORY
		+	KERALA: POLITICAL HISTORY]]
		+	[[Category:Kerala\|K KERALA: POLITICAL HISTORYKERALA: POLITICAL HISTORY
		+	KERALA: POLITICAL HISTORY]]
		+	[[Category:Pages with broken file links\|KERALA: POLITICAL HISTORY
		+	KERALA: POLITICAL HISTORY]]
		+	[[Category:Politics\|K KERALA: POLITICAL HISTORYKERALA: POLITICAL HISTORY
		+	KERALA: POLITICAL HISTORY]]

	=2018=		=2018=

@@ Line 36: / Line 36: @@
 The loser in the polls was the Congress-led UDF which won 11 wards, losing five from its pre-poll tally of 16. SDPI won two seats against one it previously held. Independents won three wards. Tho- ugh LDF celebrates its win, vote shares of BJP and SDPI have grown substantially in at least some pockets.
-BJP, which won two panchayat wards in Alappuzha, cut a sorry figure in Pathanamthitta, where the Sabarimala temple is located
+BJP, which won two panchayat wards in Alappuzha, cut a sorry figure in Pathanamthitta, where the Sabarimala temple is located.
 =2020=