Parja
This article was written in 1916 when conditions were different. Even in Readers will be able to edit existing articles and post new articles directly |
From The Tribes And Castes Of The Central Provinces Of India
By R. V. Russell
Of The Indian Civil Service
Superintendent Of Ethnography, Central Provinces
Assisted By Rai Bahadur Hira Lal, Extra Assistant Commissioner
Macmillan And Co., Limited, London, 1916.
NOTE 1: The 'Central Provinces' have since been renamed Madhya Pradesh.
NOTE 2: While reading please keep in mind that all articles in this series have been scanned from the original book. Therefore, footnotes have got inserted into the main text of the article, interrupting the flow. Readers who spot these footnotes gone astray might like to shift them to their correct place.
Parja
A small tribe/ originally an offshoot of the i. General Gonds, who reside in the centre and east of the Bastar State and the adjoining Jaipur zamlndari of Madras. They number about i 3,000 persons in the Central Provinces and 92,000 in Madras, where they are also known as Poroja. The name Parja appears to be derived from the Sanskrit Parja, a subject.
The following notice of it is taken from the Madras Census Report' of 1871 : "The term Parja is, as Mr. Carmichael has pointed out, merely a corruption of a Sanskrit term signifying a subject ; and it is understood as such by the people themselves, who use it in contradistinction to a free hillman. Formerly, says a tradition that runs through the whole tribe, Rajas and Parjas were brothers, but the Rajas took to riding horses or, as the Barenja Parjas put it, sitting still, and we became carriers of burdens and Parjas. It is quite certain in fact that the term Parja is not a tribal denomination, but a class denomination ; and it may be fitly rendered by the familiar epithet of ryot. There is no doubt, however, that by far the greater number of these Parjas are akin to the Khonds of the Ganjam Maliahs. They are thrifty, hardworking cultivators, undisturbed by the intestinal broils which their cousins in the north engage in, ' This article is based on papers by Mr. Panda Baijnath and other officers of the Bastar State. - By Dr. Cornish. 371 notice of the tribe.
and they bear in their breasts an inalienable reverence for their
soil, the value of v^hich they are rapidly becoming acquainted
vi'ith. Their ancient rights to these lands are acknowledged
by colonists from among the Aryans, and when a dispute
arises about the boundaries of a field possessed by recent
arrivals a Parja is usually called in to point out the ancient
landmarks. Gadbas are also represented as indigenous from
the long lapse of years that they have been in the country,
but they are by no means of the patriarchal type that
characterises the Parjas."
In Bastar the caste are also known as Dhurwa, which may be derived from Dhur, the name applied to the body of Gonds as opposed to the Raj-Gonds. In Bastar, Dhurwa now conveys the sense of a headman of a village. The tribe have three divisions, Thakara or Tagara, Peng and Mudara, of which only the first is found in Bastar. Thakara appears to be a corruption of Thakur, a lord, and the two names point to the conclusion that the Parjas were formerly dominant in this tract.
They themselves have a story, somewhat resembling the one quoted above from Madras, to the effect that their ancestor was the elder brother of the first Raja of Bastar when he lived in Madras, to the south of VVarangal. From there he had to flee on account of an invasion of the Muhammadans, and was accompanied by the goddess Danteshwari, the tutelary deity of the Rajas of Bastar. In accordance with the command of the goddess the younger brother was considered as the Raja and rode on a horse, while the elder went before him carrying their baggage.
At Bhadrachallam they met the Bhatras, and further on the Halbas. The goddess followed them, guiding their steps, but she strictly enjoined on the Raja not to look behind him so as to see her. But when they came to the sands of the rivers Sankani and Dankani, the tinkle of the anklets of the goddess could not be heard for the sand.
The Raja therefore looked behind him to see if she was
following, on which she said that she could go no more with
him, but he was to march as far as he could and then settle
down. The two brothers settled in Bastar, where the
descendants of the younger became the ruling clan, and
those of the elder were their servants, the Parjas. The
story indicates, perhaps, that the Parjas were tlic original Gond inhabitants and rulers of the country, and were supplanted by a later immigration of the same tribe, who reduced them to subjection, and became Raj - Gonds.
Possibly the first transfer of power was effected by the
marriage of an immigrant into a Parja Raja's family, as so
often happened with these old dynasties. The Parjas still
talk about the Rani of Bastar as their Bohu or ' younger
brother's wife,' and the custom is probably based on some
such legend. The Madras account of them as the arbiters
of boundary disputes points to the same conclusion, as this
function is invariably assigned to the oldest residents in any
locality. The Parjas appear to be Gonds and not Khonds.
Their sept names are Gondi words, and their language is a
form of Gondi, called after them Parji. Parji has hitherto
been considered a form of Bhatri, but Sir G. Grierson ^ has
now classified the latter as a dialect of the Uriya language,
while Parji remains * A local and very corrupt variation of
Gondi, considerably mixed with Hindi forms.' While then
the Parjas, in Bastar at any rate, must be held to be a
branch of the Gonds, they may have a considerable admixture
of the Khonds, or other tribes in different localities,
as the rules of marriage are very loose in this part of the
country.'-
The tribe have exogamous totemistic septs, as Bagh a 2. Exotiger, Kachhim a tortoise, Bokda a goat, Netam a dog, fgl^g""^ Gobi a big lizard, Pandki a dove and so on. If a man kills accidentally the animal after which his sept is named, the earthen cooking-pots of his household are thrown away, the clothes are washed, and the house is purified with water in which the bark of the mango or j'dviun ^ tree has been steeped. This is in sign of mourning, as it is thought that such an act will bring misfortune. If a man of the snake sept kills a snake accidentally, he places a piece of new yarn on his head, praying for forgiveness, and deposits the body on an anthill, where snakes are supposed to live.
If a man of the goat sept eats goat's flesh, it is thought that he will
- Linguistic Survey, vol. ix. p. 554; were originally one tribe, and the fact
vol. ii. part ii. pp. 434 ff. that the Parjas have affinities with both 2 In the article on Gond it is sug- of them appears to support this view. gested that the Gonds and Khonds • Eugenia janilwlana. and marriage,
become blind at once. A Parja will not touch the body of his totem-animal when dead, and if he sees any one killing or teasing it when alive, he will go away out of sight. It is said that a man of the Kachhim sept once found a tortoise while on a journey, and leaving it undisturbed, passed on. When the tortoise died it was reborn in the man's belly and troubled him greatly, and since then every Parja is liable to be afflicted in the same way in the side of the abdomen, the disease which is produced being in fact enlarged spleen.
The tortoise told the man that as he had left it lying by the
road, and had not devoted it to any useful purpose, he was
afflicted in this way. Consequently, when a man of the
Kachhim sept finds a tortoise nowadays, he gives it to
somebody else who can cut it up. The story is interesting
as a legend of the origin of spleen, but has apparently been
invented as an excuse for killing the sacred animal.
3. Kinship Marriage is prohibited in theory between members of the same sept. But as the number of septs is rather small, the rule is not adhered to, and members of the same sept are permitted to marry so long as they do not come from the same village ; the original rule of exogamy being perhaps thus exemplified. The proposal for a match is made by the boy's father, who first offers a cup of liquor to the girl's father in the bazar, and subsequently explains his errand. If the girl's father, after consulting with his family, disapproves of the match, he returns an equal quantity of liquor to the boy's father in token of his decision. The girl is usually consulted, and asked if she would like to marry her suitor, but not much regard is had to her opinion.
If she dislikes him, however, she usually runs away from him after a short interlude of married life. If a girl becomes pregnant with a caste-fellow before marriage, he is required to take her, and give to the family the presents which he would make to them on a regular marriage. The man can subsequently be properly married to some other woman, but the girl cannot be married at all.
If a girl is seduced by a man outside the caste, she is made over to him. It is essential for a man to be properly married at least once, and an old bachelor will sometimes go through the form of being wedded to his maternal uncle's daughter, even though
she may be an infant. If no proposal for marriage is made for a girl, she is sometimes handed over informally to any man who likes to take her, and who is willing to give as much for her as the parents would receive for a regular marriage. A short time before the wedding, the boy's father sends a considerable quantity of rice to the girl's father, and on the day before he sends a calf, a pot of liquor, fifteen annas worth of copper coin, and a new cloth. The bridegroom's expenses are about Rs. 50, and the bride's about Rs, 10.
At weddings the tribe have a dance called Surcha, for 4- Marwhich
the men wear a particular dress consisting of a long ^'^f^e
coat, a turban and two or three scarves thrown loosely over
the shoulders. Strings of little bells are tied about the feet,
and garlands of beads round the neck ; sometimes men and
women dance separately, and sometimes both sexes together
in a long line or a circle. Music is provided by bamboo
flutes, drums and an iron instrument something like a flute.
As they dance, songs are sung in the form of question and
answer between the lines of men and women, usually of a
somewhat indecent character. The following short specimen
may be given :—
Man. If you are willing to go with me we will both follow the
officer's elephant. If I go back without you my heart can have no rest.
Woman. Who dare take me away from my husband while the
Company is reigning. My husband will beat me and who will pay him
the compensation ?
Man. You had better make up your mind to go with me. I will
ask the Treasurer for some money and pay it to your husband as
compensation.
Woman. Very well, I will make ready some food, and will run away with you in the next bright fortnight. These dialogues often, it is said, lead to quarrels between husband and wife, as the husband cannot rebuke his wife in the assembly. Sometimes the women fall in love with men in the dance, and afterwards run away with them. The marriage takes place at the boy's house, where two 5. Nuptial marriage-sheds are made. It is noticeable that the bride on ^^'s"^°"ygoing to the bridegroom's house to be married is accompanied only by her female relatives, no man of her family being allowed to be with her.
This is probably a reminis376
cence of the old custom of marriage by capture, as in former times she was carried off by force, the opposition of her male relatives having been quelled. In memory of this the men still do not countenance the wedding procession by their presence. The bridal couple are made to sit down together on a mat, and from three to seven pots of cold water are poured over them. About a week after the wedding the couple go to a market with their friends, and after walking round it they all sit down and drink liquor.
6. Widow- The remarriage of widows is permitted, and a widow is
marriage practically Compelled to marry her late husband's younger
divorce. brother, if he has one. If she persistently refuses to do so,
in spite of the strongest pressure, her parents turn her out
of their house. In order to be married the woman goes to
the man's house with some friends ; they sit together on the
ground, and the friends apply the tika or sign by touching
their foreheads with dry rice.
A man can divorce his wife if she is of bad character, or if she is supposed to be under an unfavourable star, or if her children die in infancy. A divorced woman can marry again as if she were a widow. 7. Reii- The Parjas worship the class of divinities of the hills and forests usually revered among primitive tribes, as well as Danteshvvari, the tutelary goddess of Bastar. On the day tjiat sowing begins they offer a fowl to the field, first placing some grains of rice before it.
If the fowl eats the rice they prognosticate a good harvest, and if not the reverse. A few members of the tribe belong to the Ramanandi sect, and on this account a little extra attention is paid to them. If such a one is invited to a feast he is given a wooden seat, while others sit on the ground. It is said that a few years ago a man became a Kablrpanthi, but he subsequently went blind and his son died, and since this event the sect is absolutely without adherents. Most villages have a Sirha or man who is possessed by the deity, and his advice is taken in religious matters, such as the detection of witches. Another official is called Medha Gantia or ' The Counter of posts.' He appoints the days for weddings, calculating them by counting on his fingers, and also fixes auspicious days for the construction of a house or for the commencement of sowing. It is probable that in former times he kept count of the days gion and festivals.
by numbering posts or trees. When rain is wanted the people
fix a piece of wood into the ground, calling it Bhimsen Deo
or King of the Clouds, They pour water over it and pray to
it, asking for rain. Every year, after the crops are harvested,
they worship the rivers or streams in the village. A snake,
a jackal, a hare and a dog wagging its ears are unlucky
objects to see when starting on a journey, and also a dust
devil blowing along in front. They do not kill wild dogs,
because they say that tigers avoid the forests where these
reside, and some of them hold that a tiger on meeting a
wild dog climbs a tree to get out of his way.
Wednesday and Thursday are lucky days for starting on a journey, and the operations of sowing, reaping and threshing should be commenced and completed on one of these da}-s. When a man intends to build a house he places a number of sets of three grains of rice, one resting on the other two, on the ground in different places. Each set is covered by a leaf-cup with some earth to hold it down. Next morning the grains are inspected, and if the top one has fallen down the site is considered to be lucky, as indicating that the earth is wishful to bear the burden of a house in this place.
A house should face to the east or west, and not to the north or south. Similarly, the roads leading out of the village should run east or west from the starting-point. The principal festivals of the Parjas are the Hareli ^ or feast of the new vegetation in July, the Nawakhani - or feast of the new rice crop in August or September, and the Am Nawakhani or that of the new mango crop in April or May.
At the feasts the new season's crop should be eaten, but if no fresh rice has ripened, they touch some of the old grain with a blade of a growing rice-plant, and consider that it has become the new crop. On these occasions ancestors are worshipped by members of the family only inside the house, and offerings of the new crops are made to them. The dead are invariably buried, the corpse being laid s. Disposal in the ground with head to the east and feet to the west. °^^^f . dead. This is probably the most primitive burial, it being supposed that the region of the dead is towards the west, as the setting ^ Haieli, ///. 'the season of greenness.' - Nawakhani, lit. 'the new eating.'
sun disappears in that direction. The corpse is therefore laid in the grave with the feet to the west ready to start on its journey. Members of the tribe who have imbibed Hindu ideas now occasionally lay the corpse with the head to the north in the direction of the Ganges. Rice-gruel, water and a tooth-stick are placed on the grave nightly for some days after death.
As an interesting parallel instance, near home, of the belief that the soul starts on a long journey after death, the following passage may be quoted from Mr. Gom.me's Folklore : " Among the superstitions of Lancashire is one which tells us of a lingering belief in a long journey after death, when food is necessary to support the soul. A man having died of apoplexy at a public dinner near Manchester, one of the company was heard to remark, ' Well, poor Joe, God rest his soul ! He has at least gone to his long rest wi' a belly full o' good meat, and that's some consolation ! ' And perhaps a still more remarkable instance is that of the woman buried in Curton Church, near Rochester, who directed by her will that the coffin was to have a lock and key, the key being placed in her dead hand, so that she might be able to release herself at pleasure." ^
After the burial a dead fish is brought on a leaf-plate to
the mourners, who touch it, and are partly purified. The
meaning of this rite, if there be any, is not known. After
the period of mourning, which varies from three to nine days,
is over, the mourners and their relatives must attend the
next weekly bazar, and there offer liquor and sweets in the
name of the dead man, who upon this becomes ranked
among the ancestors.
9. Occupa- The Parjas are cultivators, and grow rice and other crops tion and jj^ 4^^ Ordinary manner. Many of them are village headmen, SOC13.I ^ • I ^ 1 • 1 customs, and to these the term Dhurwa is more particularly applied. The tribe will eat fowls, pig, monkeys, the large lizard, field-rats, and bison and wild buffalo, but they do not eat carnivorous animals, crocodiles, snakes or jackals. Some of them eat beef while others have abjured it, and they will not accept the leavings of others. They are not considered to be an impure caste.
If any man or wornan belonging to a higher caste has a liaison with a Parja, and is on that > Folklore as a Historical Science (G. L. Gomme), pp. 191, 192.
account expelled from their own caste, he or she can be admitted as a Parja. In their other customs and dress and ornaments the tribe resemble the Gonds of Bastar. Women are tattooed on the chest and arms with patterns of dots. The young men sometimes wear their hair long, and tie it in a bunch behind, secured by a strip of cloth.
