Public schools in India

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History

Nikita Mohta, Feb 6, 2025: The Indian Express

While The Lawrence School, Sanawar, began as a military asylum for orphans, The Doon School emerged in the decade of India’s independence, introducing new educational ideals for a free nation. How did these colonial-era institutions evolve into the prestigious residential schools that promise to shape India’s future?


Some of India’s most prestigious institutions are its residential schools, set amidst the tranquil hills of Mussoorie, Nainital, Ooty, Shimla, and Darjeeling. Admitting only a select few each year, these schools leave a lasting impact on their students. While some view them as bastions of privilege and exclusivity, others acknowledge their role in shaping many of the country’s most distinguished individuals.

Several of these institutions trace their origins to British India, carrying colonial legacies whose lasting influence remains a topic of debate. Mohit Sinha, an alumnus of The Lawrence School, Lovedale in Ooty, and former housemaster at The Doon School in Dehradun, offers a broader historical perspective: “Long before British rule, India’s gurukul system followed a similar model — structured and focused on holistic education. The principles of such an education predate colonialism by nearly 4,000 years, except that the gurukul was caste exclusive.”

At the same time, India’s modern boarding schools reflect the influence of elite British institutions. “Schools like Eton, Harrow, and Winchester in England have shaped their structure and traditions,” Sinha notes. But how have these schools evolved from colonial-era establishments into cornerstones of independent India? A closer look reveals their transformation over time.

The roots of residential schools

The concept of ‘modern’ residential schools had been taking shape in England since the mid-14th century. While the country had a network of grammar schools, it was William of Wykeham, a wealthy businessman and Church official, who laid the foundation for one of the earliest such institutions — Winchester College in 1394, in Winchester, Hampshire, England.

As British historian David Turner notes in The Old Boys: The Decline and Rise of The Public School, Winchester was deeply monastic in nature, designed to prepare boys for clerical life. Students followed a strict and secluded routine, spoke exclusively in Latin, the language of the Church, and even adopted the distinctive ‘tonsure’ haircut, marking them as separate from the lay population.

A few years later, in 1440, King Henry VI established the College of Our Lady Mary at Eton, Berkshire, England, directly modeled on Winchester. Given its royal patronage, Eton quickly became highly sought after, attracting ambitious families eager to secure aristocratic connections for their sons. Over time, both Winchester and Eton began admitting increasing numbers of upper-class boarders, reinforcing their elite status.

As the British extended their rule over India, they transplanted their educational models along with their governance structures. Historian Sanjay Seth, in Subject Lessons: The Western Education of Colonial India, contends that western knowledge, like weapons and wares, was deliberately imposed upon the colonies, serving as a powerful instrument of conquest, representation, and control.

From 1835 onward, colonial authorities led the push for western-style education in India, funneling state funds into modern institutions in Bombay, Madras, and Calcutta. This reshaped the education system, embedding British-style residential schools.

The first boarding schools in India

Historian Tim Allender, in his essay Spatiality, Semiotics, and the Cultural Shaping of Children: The Boarding School Experience in Colonial India, 1790-1955, distinguishes between the two types of boarding institutions in colonial India: one for orphans and another for the elite.

The first category of residential institutions was established by the East India Company around 1790 for destitute or orphaned children, often the offspring of European soldiers and Indian or Eurasian women. Concerned that these Eurasian children might develop expectations of white privilege, which could lead to discontent when unmet, the Company regulated their diets — opting for rice and pepper instead of bread, milk, and tea — and provided them with minimal education. The Madras Military Asylum, established in the late 1780s, serves as an example of these early institutions.

After 1813, when the East India Company reluctantly allowed Christian missions into India, the focus of these asylums shifted. Missionaries used the orphans to demonstrate their success in converting and educating Indian children, presenting them as proof of Christian triumph.

British military officers like Sir Henry Lawrence also played a significant role. He established a military asylum in Sanawar (Himachal Pradesh) with his own funds and support from native rulers such as the Maharaja of Kashmir. Lawrence continued funding the school until his death in 1857.

“A school for orphans, that’s how The Lawrence School, Sanawar began. It was never for the elite or privileged. It proved to be a safe harbour for the children of British soldiers who died during the ongoing wars, including the Afghan and Anglo-Sikh conflicts. That sacrosanct duty of care is still the guiding principle at Sanawar,” says Himmat Singh Dhillon, Headmaster at The Lawrence School, during an interview with indianexpress.com.

Two schools were established during Lawrence’s lifetime — at Sanawar in 1847 and Mount Abu (Rajasthan) in 1856. The third followed at Lovedale (Tamil Nadu) in 1858, a year after his death, while the fourth school was later built in his memory at Ghora Gali (current-day Pakistan) in 1860.

Additionally, schools in hill stations like Mussoorie, Shimla, and Darjeeling emerged, keeping the British away from the heat, humidity, and mosquitoes of the mainland. Notable institutions included Woodstock School (1854) in Mussoorie, St Andrew’s Colonial Homes (also known as Graham’s Homes, 1900) in Kalimpong, and Goethals Memorial School (1907) in Kurseong. “These were set up primarily for white missionaries working in India, who needed schools for their own children,” says Sinha.

Educating the elite

The second category of boarding schools in colonial India, however, was more directly influenced by British models and began to take shape after 1860. These schools, largely localised for the children of colonial elites, blended European education with elements of Indian culture.

For boys, this boarding experience mirrored that of elite English public schools, centered on values such as ‘manliness’, leadership, and competitive struggle. These institutions aimed to provide credentials for entrance into the Universities of Oxford or Cambridge, eventually leading to prestigious positions in the civil service, the military, the Church, or business. This ethos was reflected in institutions like St Xavier’s College in Calcutta (1860) and St Paul’s School in Darjeeling (founded in 1864). As Allender notes, “…these institutions allowed a geographically thinly spread population of relatively affluent boys in India to participate, whose parents were culturally attuned to this brand of education.”

St Paul’s, originally founded in Calcutta in 1829, catered to the sons of East India Company officials and wealthy European merchants. “Calcutta was a hub for the Anglo-Indian community and the Bengali bhadralok (intelligentsia). Notably, figures like Jyotinendranath and Satyendranath Tagore, who later joined the Indian Civil Services (ICS), attended St. Paul’s,” says Pranay Gupta, an author and alumnus of the school.

However, with the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869, improved travel options led elite families to send their children to Europe for education. As a result, the school relocated to Darjeeling, where other colonial elite, especially European diplomats and administrators, sought refuge after the 1857 Revolt. “Darjeeling was the summer capital, while Calcutta remained the political centre until 1911. As transport improved, they chose Darjeeling for its more serene environment,” notes Gupta.

The architecture of these institutions, too, was crafted to attract wealthy families. Allender notes that these grand buildings combined Western-style stone masonry, often using expensive material like basalt from distant sources. By the mid-nineteenth century, interiors, especially dormitories, maintained a European design, with partitioned beds that rarely needed caste divisions, in contrast to the simpler missionary schools of the era.

A special niche in elite schooling was reserved for ruling chiefs and native princes, modeled after prestigious institutions like Winchester and Eton. Notable examples include Rajkumar College in Rajkot (1868), The Daly College in Indore(1870), Mayo College (Boys) in Ajmer (1875), and Aitchison College in Lahore, Pakistan (1886). These schools catered to the aristocracy, offering subjects such as Shakespeare and Shelley, alongside sports like hockey and football — activities traditionally outside the royal family’s purview. According to Sinha, their primary aim was to instill a sense of loyalty to and admiration for all things British.

For girls of the same class, the dynamics were distinct, though still predominantly western. Gouri Srivastava highlights in Women’s Higher Education in the 19th Century, the East India Company, focused on consolidating its territorial gains, was reluctant to address women’s education. It also feared provoking social and religious tensions. Consequently, missionaries took the lead in establishing girls’ boarding schools, many of which were run by Roman Catholic religious orders.

A pioneering institution among them was Loreto House in Calcutta, founded on January 10, 1842. It catered to affluent Europeans, Eurasians and, to a lesser extent, upper-class Indian families. These schools emphasised Western values, such as etiquette, needlework, languages, and poetry, thereby reinforcing the aspirations of the wealthy families. As Allender notes, “This was to make these Indian girls more attractive in the marriage market.” By 1850, Srivastava records that over 2,000 girls attended 91 missionary boarding schools, with 41 situated in Tamil Nadu and 28 in Bengal.

Residential schools during the freedom struggle

Until the early nineteenth century, boarding schools maintained a racial barrier, admitting only those of European lineage. By the early twentieth century, however, as more Indians were granted access, these schools became platforms for political awareness.

This shift, argues Allender, marked a change in focus as boarding schools began prioritising Indian-based academic discourse while still retaining aspects of the imperial legacy. This period saw the rise of debating societies, lectures on Indian languages, and studies in Indian literature. By the 1920s, these institutions were shaping future leaders like Jyoti Basu, who was Bengal’s chief minister from 1977–2000, and Wing Commander Karun Krishna ‘Jumbo’ Majumdar, St Paul’s graduate and the first Indian to achieve that rank.

“The realisation emerged that boarding schools could play a crucial role in training a new generation of social leaders for an independent India,” says Sinha. He explains that Satish Ranjan Das, a lawyer educated abroad, recognised the need to cultivate a new class of leaders as India approached self-rule. It was in this backdrop that schools like The Doon School (founded in 1935) came up – away from military and princely traditions, blending successful elements into a more hybrid model.

“Jana Gana Mana, the Indian national anthem, was first sung at The Doon School in 1935 – a full decade before India’s independence,” exclaims Sinha. Notably, his study of the Doon School archives uncovered the unfortunate stories of students from Islamabad, Karachi, Lahore, and Swat (in Pakistan), who were enrolled at Doon in 1947 but never returned after Partition, missing the new term starting August 1. Notably, Rabindranath Tagore sent skilled artists from Shantiniketan to teach music and art at Doon, while yoga was introduced in 1937, alongside farming and kitchen skills. The emphasis was on shaping future leaders. However, according to Allender, this transformation often came with a disdain for India’s non-colonial institutions, which many privileged Indians regarded as symbols of cultural backwardness.

The boarding experience, as at The Lawrence School, Sanawar, also saw boys and girls sharing classrooms for subjects like history, geometry, and arithmetic, breaking away from the traditional gender divides seen in Europe. The focus shifted from preparing girls to be good wives to providing pathways for higher education and university-level opportunities.

“Yet, until 1947, Indians were excluded from the student body,” Dhillon recalls. “In 1946, as the war ended and independence neared, the student population dwindled as British children were sent home. By 1947, there were only 40 students, and Indian students were finally admitted.” He adds that Principal Carter and the students planted deodars in the Independence Garden to mark the first anniversary of Independence. “Those trees, now 77 years young, are growing from strength to strength.”

In the following years, The Lawrence School transitioned from the Crown to the Ministry of Defence, then to the Ministry of Education, and finally to the Lawrence School Sanawar Society. Dhillon highlights its transformation in independent India, noting visits from President Rajendra Prasad in 1951 and President S Radhakrishnan in 1955. “The school was indigenised in every way.”

Indian girls’ boarding schools emerged much later in the century, with Welham Girls’ School in Dehradun being one of the most notable. Dr Nalanda Pandey, a renowned educationist from Dehradun, shares that Miss Hersilia Susie Oliphant, who ran Welham Preparatory School for Boys, invited British educationist Grace Mary Linnell to establish the school. An experienced educationist, Linnell had previously headed a girls’ school and college in Hyderabad. “The first batch in 1957 consisted of just 10 girls, but the school flourished in the years that followed,” Pandey recalls. Recognising her contributions to girls’ education, the Government of India honoured Linnell in 1971.

Salwar kameez was adopted as the dress code. Quoting from the Memorandum of Association of the Welham Girls’ School Society, constituted in 1956, Pandey stated that the aims of the Society are: ‘To establish a school for girls — open to all girls without distinction of race, creed, caste, or social status in order to develop among Indian girls a sense of discipline, a love of fair play, and … a sense of the unity of India.’

Boarding schools

These boarding schools significantly shaped new educational dynamics in colonial India, many of which continue to influence contemporary educational systems. However, most interviewees were of the opinion that the colonial legacy has long faded. “Everyone is now aiming for internationalism, and that is what our institution promises to deliver, while not forgetting our roots..,” asserted Pandey. Dhillon remarked, “Henry Lawrence is the founder and we are very proud of his compassion and service to society. It’s a coincidence that he happened to be British, not Indian.”

Gupta reflected, “Sure, Clive, Hastings, Havelock, and Lawrence are the names of the houses in the Senior Wing of St Paul’s to this day. But that’s all there is to it. The institution offered both education and essential life skills, taking us away from social conditioning and home life. In some ways, it mirrors a gurukul — a place of learning and peace, fostering empathy and understanding.”

As Dhillon notes, many of these institutions have endured through the First War of Independence in 1857, the World Wars, the Partition of India, and beyond. “Their very resilience reflects the strength and excellence of these institutions.”

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