This article is an extract from THE MEITHEIS T. C. HODSON Late Assistant Political Agent In Manipur And Superintendent Of The State Fellow Of The Royal Anthropological Institute With An Introduction By SIR CHARLES J. LYALL K.C.S.I., C.I.E., LL.D., M.A. Published under the orders of the Government of Gastern Bengal and Assam Illustrated LONDON David Nutt 57, 59, Long Acre 1908 Indpaedia is an archive. It neither agrees nor disagrees with the contents of this article. Secondly, this has been scanned frcm a bcck. You can hclp by send!ng the correcled vcrsion/ additional information to the Facebook community, Indpaedia.com. All information used will be duly acknowledged.

Laws And Customs

Political Organization

The country was divided into six pannas, Ahalup (the club of the old men), Naharup (the club of the young men), Laipham (abode of the gods), Klabum (belonging to Khaba or bitter, from khaba), Hitakphanba (gatherer of tobacco), and Potsangha (watchmen). The earliest mention of these associations occurs in the reign of Koirengba, a.d. 1510, and it is clear that at that time they were already military associations, and on the com- plete organization of the IcU-lup (war club or militia), which took place in the reign of Pamheiba, they became what for some time they had been in fact, constituent parts of the militia of the country. Ahalup and Naharup seem to have been the first two to be established, and, on the creation of the Laipham and Khabam divisions, precedence was assigned to these latter over the older bodies. The precise reason for this is obscure, but may be connected with the difficulties which Pamheiba, a great reformer, experienced in introducing Hinduism as the formal religion of the State.

It is now almost impossible to tell the precise conditions of membership in these associations before the period of the Burmese invasions, because the devastation of the country and its repeated depopulation completely disturbed the internal organization of the state, and the system described by Colonel Mcculloch and other observers was the creation of Gambhir Singh at the comparatively recent period subsequent to the treaty of Yandabo in 1826. Nevertheless, it seems probable that the ancient model was closely followed, and that the basis of it was personal, not territorial, a feature which is due to the fact that such a system only became possible after the hegemony of the Ningthaja * clan had been finally settled. One difficulty remains. The Moirang tribe preserved a very fair amount of independence up to the advent of British authority, and from the Chronicles it is evident that their subjugation in the great battle of A.D. 1431 failed to suppress completely a sense of separateness which their remote habitation and comparative homogeneity enhanced as time progressed, and as the difficulties of their rulers increased. As will be seen later, the Moirangs have not shared in the progress and development of the civiliza- tion of the country to quite the same extent as the other tribes.

Primarily, as has been said, the lal-lup was a military organization, but in the piping times of peace it was made to play a part in the economic life of the country. Indeed, the change which came over it was completed by the introduction of modern weapons, which involved the employment of trained soldiery. Gambhir Singh, who raised and commanded the Manipur levy which operated with success against the Burmese in the campaigns of 1824-26, maintained the levy as a separate organization, though adhering to the principle which formed the pristine base of the earlier lal-lup, namely, of so many days' service and a grant of land. The members of the levy were called lal-mi, or men of war, and formed a separate division or section of the community.

The centre of the State was the Raja, and, while he himself took no direct part in the administration of the State, except on formal occasions, when he presided at Durbars, or meetings of the high officers, all was made to serve his interests. His sons held important offices, the eldest bearing the title of Jubraj, the next that of Senapati, then came the Kotwal, or head of the police, then such officers as the Sagol Hanjaba, or master of the horse, the Samu Hanjaba, or master of the elephants, the Dolaroi Hanjaba, or master of the doolies. All these officers had seats on the Chirap, the chief judicial body in the State, but it was not necessary that they should be members of the royal family. The office of Awa purel, or foreign minister, seems to have been first created by Chandra Kirti Singh, and to be associated with the military rather than the civil organization. To secure the due and efficient working of the lal-lup, the six Pannas were minutely subdivided, the total number of divisions reaching the high figure of 107, exclusive of the military divisions or regiments and the Loi and Naga villages. The persons liable to duty under the lal4up system were the Meitheis, the Brahmins, and the Musalmans, who are called Pang-gans. Nagas and Lois are subject to much heavier duty, and with them work the Keis, or slave communities. Each of the 107 subdivisions possessed a number of officials, some of whom held ex officio seats on the Chirap, thus bringing the judicial and the executive organizations into touch in a manner which may offend strict theorists, but which was in close harmony with the ideas of the people themselves. Some of the lal lup officials were village officers, while others belonged to the central organization. Thus, to take an example at random, the Thum- jao Rungha, or overseers of the salt wells, were four in number, and investigated all cases arising out of the salt revenue. One of them was a village officer, while the three others remained in Imphal, only visiting the salt wells occasionally.

Nearly all the divisions possessed an office known as the lal-lup chingba ("puller of the lal-lup "), who seems to have been the active intermediary between the officers at the capital and the men in the villages. Now the Loi, Naga, and Kei villages were all framed on the well-known system, with village officers possessing the same titles as are now found among the hill tribes, Khul- Iakpa, lup-lakpa, but with a large number of additional func- tionaries, some of whom are clearly religious, others, again being executive. Taking, as an example, the case of Chairen, the village which turns out earthen pots, we find that the head of the village is called the Ningthou, or king. Next to him in rank is the senapati, or commander-in-chief. The Khul-lakpa and the lup-lakpa follow him in precedence, then came the Khunja- hanba (elder of the village), a functionary whose duties are not defined.

The next officer, the Yupalpa (the manager of the yu or beer, brewed from rice), was a sort of ganger who tasted the brew each year, and was responsible for the entertainment of strangers, performing duties which, in some Kuki villages, are entrusted to the king or chief.

The pakhan-lakpa (lakpa of the young unmarried men) is the man who looked after the young men's club, for the custom of keeping the young men in one dormitory is known to have been at no distant date common among the Loi communities. The Naharakpa is the ruler of the lads who are still younger than the pakhans, the fally fledged but unmarried men, and his sphere of authority extended over the lads in the same manner as did that of the Pakhanlakpa over their immediate elders. The remaining officers, the Telloi Hanjaha, the Telloi Hidang, the Hinaoba, the Hiruba, the Lao mi rakpa, the Lao ml hidang, seem to have been responsible for the work of the villagers in making and repairing boats, and in cultivating the fields.

The officers in one of the greater divisions, such as the Khabam Sanglen, or the great house of the Khaba, were men of con- siderable importance, and the three principal officers, the Lakpa, the Sanglen lakpa, and the Dewan, held ex officio seats on the Chirap, the chief judicial authority in the country.

The lalmi, or military organization was organized on some- what different lines. The central organization consisted of the Bijaya Garot, presided over by the Senapati, who, as we have seen, was often, if not generally, a member of the royal family. The majors commanding the regiments, and the Awa puren major (responsible as has been noted for the management of relations with Burma) together with 11 subordinate officers, composed the Bijaya Garot which had thus 20 members in all. There were eight companies which were settled in a number of villages, and were controlled by their own officers who bore the titles of officers, commissioned and non-commissioned, of the Native Indian Army. The majors, or officers commanding, were members of the central organization.

Then there were other sepoy villages organized on similar lines, but which were not quite so closely connected with the central "staff" as the eight regiments and their " company " villages.

The Brahmin community was liable to Iallup, and from the guru at the top of the list of officers to the private priests of the Maharaja at the end of the list there were in all some 32 grades of appointments.

The definition of lallup as given to me by an experienced authority is the duty of appearing at the king's office (loisang) ten days, and doing the proper work of the grade to which the person belonged. For the following thirty days he remained at home. If a man did not come to his lallup, he forfeited one rupee, and for this sum a substitute was hired. The following is the vernacular statement : " Ningthou-gi loi-sang-da (amasung office-da) numit tarani kaduna Iallupki thobak toururaga numit kunthrani mayumda leijei, Lallup kadraduna mi aduna tokla- badi lallup amddd rupa ama lou-ba haonei,asina mahut mi neknei* Khundin is a branch of the lallup, and consists of the duty of seeing that the men liable to Iallup are regular in attendance, and covers cases of illness where a substitute is provided. Lallup kagaddba lei-ba adubu khudin kaoaji. Mi adugi karigumba thobak leiba amadi and ayek leiraduna Iallup kararoidaba leirabadi haijarabasung, mihUt pirabasung, khundin numitta karakada-ba lallup chingba, machahalna chingba kaduna khangnaba haonei,

Chingjin-langpon thou kai haibadi. There was special duty to be performed in the months of Asin or Bhadra [or in Manipuri the months of Langpon or Mera]. The absentee made a bargain for substituting a man who received the sum of four rupees. Connected with this is the Paimilang panthou kai, which extended for three months and according to which the substitute received six rupees. Mayumda kumbana thd ani loisangda (amasung office-da) sarucargi numit khuding thobak toujei, mi aduna karoi hairaga, mi amada chingjinlangpon haiba touge haiba, aslmada rupa mari wasa sai. Matomdi Lang- pontha Mera tha.

The last regulation mentioned is the Aka akum thing ba. This referred to any special work. In cases where the men of any area found that the work imposed on them was beyond their powers it was possible to call in men from the whole area till the work was finished. Lam amada thobak achaoba khun ama aniduna ngamdaba thobak thoklabadi, lam adugi mi makhai lallup kaduna thobak loidriba makhai touage lallUpti lam amaram-dagi mina (hun kotli) lai

Colonel Mcculloch gives the following description of the Iallup of his day : * " This population is composed of different classes. The principal is the Meithei, next the Phoongnai, after whom the Teng-kul, the Ayokpa, the Kei, the Loee, and the

Mussulman.

The Meithei population is divided into four parts called, * Punnahs; which are designated in the order of their superiority, * Kaphum; ' Lai phum; * Ahulloop; and ' Niha- roop.*

The Punnahs perform lalloop or service for ten days in rotation, thus bringing every male in the country above sixteen years of age on .duty, ten days in forty. This service is due to the State; none are remunerated for it. The head of each family or tribe furnishes the proper persons for the different services required of that tribe.

The immiediate family of the ' Peepa; or head of the tribe, is not called upon to perform any heavy duty.

Its post is near the Raja, acting as ' Ningthau selba ' or personal attendants. The family next in seniority has a heavy duty to perform in the * Laikai.* The third has the * Led mee* and the fourth the * Sungsa roi; The lalloop of the second and fourth families works generally in unison. Their chief duty is to make houses and bridges for which they cut and bring the materials.

The Ialmee was in former times the soldier of Munni- pore, but since the raising of the troops before mentioned in the time of the Raja Gumbeer Sing, the lalmee's duties have become civil. Of the families after the fourth the places are not fixed, some are khoot naiba or artificers, as goldsmiths, blacksmiths, carpenters, workers in brass and bell metal, etc., who all have their lalloop in which they perform any work in their respective lines they may be called upon to do ; some again attend to the Raja's elephants, some to his ponies, etc. The Brahmins even have the lalloop, during which they cook for the Raja and their idol Govindjee. In fact, excepting the lowest description of service, there is scarcely any which is not performed by some part of the Meithei population. The heads of the Punnahs and all the officers required in connection with them are appointed by the Raja from amongst his favourites, and generally without reference to their origin.

The appointment to office exempts the holder's immediate family from the performance of any heavy duty, and, if above a certain rank, entitles his heirs to the distinction of bearing silver spears, and being horsemen in attendance on the Raja, distinctions, however, not nowadays much coveted. A fixed allowance is not attached to any office. Some officers are entitled to loee-il, that is to a follower or followers, who perform any work they may be set to. The loee-ils dislike this, and usually compound with those they should attend for a sum of money, which having paid they remain at their homes. Individuals belonging to any lalloop who are anxious to remain at home, can do so by paying the chief officers. Sick people even have to pay if they miss their lalloop. These monies are the perquisites of the officers and form the chief emoluments of office. A few high officers have Naga villages given to them. Until lately the privilege of 'yim tinaba * was given to officers of high rank — that is, the family or tribe from which he sprang or any other made over to him by the Raja, had to serve him ; thus if he was building a house all the tribe assisted, and if his wife went abroad, the wives of the tribe attended her. This was a most distasteful custom and was done away with by Debindro Singh. The Phoongnai is divided into Hitakphalba and Potsungba.

The Hitakphalba is called from his having to attend to the Baja's hooka. The Potsungba spreads the cloth for sitting on. The duties engrafted on these are too many to enumerate. Of the Tengkul the chief duty is garden- ing. They sometimes also hew stones and make vessels of that material. Both the Phoongnai and the Tengkul were originally slaves of the Baja. On a change taking place in the rulers of the country it was formerly the custom to seize the slaves of those who had held office and to divide them amongst the adherents of the new ruler. This practice when the changes of rulers became so very frequent, as it latterly did, was found to entail upon individuals more hardship than the worth of the slave.

Slaves, therefore, when seized were not distributed amongst adherents but made to work for the Eaja under the name of Ayokpa.* Their principal work is gardening. They used to be recruited by children of free men by slaves, but this is now discontinued.

- The particular duty of the Kei (originally slaves of the Raja)

was to provide and pound the rice for the Raja's household. Formerly they were sufficient for this purpose, but they are not so now, and in consequence what is called a Kei-roi-thau, has been fixed upon the residents with certain exemptions of all places but the Capital.

This Kei-roi-thau or * work of Keis,' t

Ayokpa means "maintained,"

is not confined only to the supply of rice, but may be said to embrace any work or the supply of any article the Raja chooses, and is from this arbitrariness most oppressive."

Reference may be made to one point which more properly belongs to the section on the rules regulating the tenure of land. The liability to Iallup commenced as soon as a man reached the age of seventeen, when he also became entitled to cultivate one puri of land with the tax in kind exacted by the Raja.

To give this sketch of the economic system of Manipur a reasonable degree of completeness, it has been necessary to refer to the foreign elements in the State, the Brahmins, the Muhammedans, the Nagas and the Lois, The historical circum- stances which account for the presence of these distinct groups need not be set forth at any length, but it will suffice to say that the Lois, who in fact comprise several distinct villages which till a recent date had even kept up a separate dialect in each, are said both by the Meitheis and by their own traditions to be the descendants of the autochthons of the country, who were dispossessed of their fertile lands by the tribes of the Meithei confederacy.

The Chirap consisted of the following persons : The Jubraj (eldest son or heir apparent of the Raja), the Angom Ningthou with whom the Raja was closely connected by marriage, the Wangkhairakpa or lakpa (overseer) of the Northern quarter, the Khurai-rakpa or lakpa of the Khurai, the Mantri (confiden- tial minister), Jaisagun lakpa (functions not clear), Pukhrumba (title of honour), Nongthonba (title of honour), Laipham lakpa or lakpa of the Panna Laipham, Ahallup lakpa or lakpa of the Panna Ahallup, Khabam lakpa or lakpa of the Panna Khabam, Naharup lakpa or lakpa of the Panna Naharup, Luang Ningthou or King of the Luangs, Moirang Ningthou or King of the Moirangs, Katum (functions unknown), Phungnai Sang Lakpa or lakpa or the Phungnai House, the four dewans of the four Pannas, and the sanglen lakpas of the four Meithei Pannas.*

In the Pannas Ahallup and Laifam were fifteen officials of

Ahallup or Aharup, Naharup, Laifam, and Khabum. The two

'Phungnai" Pannas, Hidakphamba and Potsangba, are inferior classes. Cf. Mcculloch, op. cit pp. 11, 12, and Brown, op, city pp. 38, 39. Their duties are to provide for the Royal Household. " Khullakpa ** rank, who seem to have been regarded as eligible for seats in the chirap. Their titles are Laipham Sangguba Sang- lakpa, Ahal-lup Sangguba Sanglakpa, Lairik-yengba Sanglak- pa, Lairik-yengba Hanchaba, Khetri Hanchaba, Thangsu-Hanba, Tensu-Hanba, Lalmi-Rakpa, Endren-Lakpa, Laipham-Puren, Ahallup-Puren, Khanton-Lakpa, Irak-Lakpa, Nakap-Lakpa, Phamthokcha. Similarly in the lower grade of officials ranking together as holders of phams of " Luplakpa rank;' but, equally with the above, Chirap-pambom or eligible for seats in the Chirap, were the Pukhrun Hidang, Laipham Sanglen Hidang, Ahallup Sanglen Hidang, Thangsu Hidang, Tensu Hidang, Lalmi Hidang, Endren Hidang, Lrak Hidang, Khundang Hidang, Nakon Hidang, Lairen Lakpa, Phamtokcha Hidang, and Lairen Hidang. Corresponding to these functionaries there were in the Khullakpa grade of officials in the Pannas Khabam and Naharup as eligible for seats on the Chirap, the following : Khabam Sangguba Sang- lakpa, Naharup Sangguba Sang-lakpa, Changam Ningthou, Umu Khullakpa, Singsu Hanba, Kekre Hanba, Huidru Hanba, Khabam Puren, Naharup Puren, Laikhu Rakpa, Pallum Puren, Huirai Hanba, Khabam Konsa Hanba, and Naharup Konsa Hanba. Of Luplakpa rank, in these two Pannas there were Wangkhai Hidang, Jaisagun Hidang, N6ngthon Hidang, Umu Hidang, Singsu Hidang, Kekre Hidang, Nakappa Hidang, Laikhu Hidang, Pallum Hidang, Huirai Hidang, and Sanglen Hidang.

There were thus fifty-three persons eligible for seats on the Chirap, in addition to the twenty-four ex officio members. It is curious to note the division of offices between the Pannas. Why do we find officers as the head of the House of the Clerks (Lairik yengba sanglakpa), the chief maker of daos (Thangsu Hanba), the chief arrow maker (Ten-su Hanba), in Pannas Ahallup and Laifam, and not in Pannas Naharup and Khabam ? Why, again, should Pannas Naharup and Khabam include the chief of the scouts (Huirai rakpa) and the chief brass worker (Konsa Hanba), to the exclusion of these officials from the lists of Pannas Ahallup and Laifam ?

The internal organization of the Pannas is no less complicated. The four principal Pannas were divided into two departments each, Sanglen and Sangguba, to each of which were attadied officials.

The officers in Department Sanglen were in the service of the Raja, while Sangguba officials worked for the Rani.

The Phungnai " class " was divided into two Pannas, Hidak^ phanba* or persons who attend to the huka, and Potsangha or persons who act as watchmen. Each of these divisions is subdivided into sanglen or servants of the Raja, and Laima-nai or servants of the Rani. There are officers in each group whose titles resemble those given to the Panna officers above, with the addition of a class called Chabon, whose rank is not very high.

There is also attached a class called Thong-loi-sang, which belongs to the Phungnai class but is not subdivided between the Raja and Rani, though it has its complement of officers. We then come to a real servant class, the Panam Ningthou semba, whose duty it is to keep Royalty in all the apparatus for polo. The officers attached to this group are in seven grades, Sellungba ahal, Sellungba naha, Pakhan- lakpa, Naharakpa, Yaphi ahal, Yaphi Naha, Sennakhal.

The next group, entitled Laima Semba, are servants of the Rani, with six grades of officers. Then we have the Anam Sang class, who serve both Raja and Rani and are employed in work of a judicial nature, probably as messengers and clerks. The domestic servants of the Royal Household belong to Divisions Feida and Sangairen, and have their officers. We now come into touch with officials engaged in the administration of the country, and the following classes, Kairungba yairek sang, Kairungba maroi, Chongkhanba, Lourungsang, Phaorungba, Thumjao rungba and Hiruhinaoba, deal with the Eoyal granaries, storehouses, fields and cultivation, salt wells, and fisheries. The

Hidak = medicine, magical properties.

(hitak) = gunpowder.

Arangba have to see that the Royal Household is kept properly supplied with oil, fat, and cooking pots. The Sagonsang take charge of the horses, but when a horse or pony in their charge falls ill, the animal is in the charge of the Wangmanai class, who belong either to the Khumanthem (meaning those who soothe the Khuman, or the Sagonsem (groom) sagei The Thanggang saba provide daos, and Garisang, Samusang, Sallungsang depart- ments each have their officers, and are charged with the care of carts, elephants, and cattle belonging to the Baja. The Liman SaDg department is in charge of minor work at Eoyal granaries.

The Thangja pannaba mainly look after iron smelting and the manufacture of iron implements. The Patcha Loisang are responsible for the safety and comfort of the Raja and Rani when touring in the country, and are divided into fifteen grades of officers whose titles are rather unusual

The chief is the Bebosta, then the Ningthem porohit, the Patcha Hanba, Achromba, Achramba, Achan khulel, Achan khuba, Kairungba, Sellungba, Apampa, Salai Hanba, Takhen Hanba, Mayang Hanba, Kabo Hanba, Angom Hanba. The next two classes, Dulai-paba and Dolai-roi, are in the first place doolie bearers, and are further employed as judicial messengers and lictors.

The Urungba Loisang is charged with the duty of providing wood, bamboo, creepers, and such materials. The Yumjilloi have to keep State buildings in repair. The duties of the Maifengba class are probably of the same nature as those of the two preceding classes.

The Usaba department is in charge of heavy carpentry work. The Hijaba bangmai provide cut bamboos of all sizes. The Paijasuba fasten up the creepers which are used in domestic architecture. The duty allotted to the Nandeiba loisangba is not clearly explained in the vernacular manuscript. The Humai-roi department has to do with the Lois who make the hand fans (humai = fen). Khutheiba Loisang has to superintend the work of skilled artisans (Khut = hand, and hei = to be skilled).

The Leikai Loisang deals with the housebuilder class. The Lammi Loisang is stated to be in charge of much the same work as the Leikai Loisang, but the chief officer of this department bears the military title Senapati* The Sagontongba or horse-riders are

Probably lammi = lal-mi = warriors. Hence the use of a military title.

mounted messengers. The Sanglinba provide substitutes for lal'lup duty. The Sang-cha-loi (or Lois who build houses) are entrusted with the same class of work as the Leikai Loisang above. The Tengkhul Loisang is the department in charge of the royal gardens. The Konsang (brass workers' depart- ment) draws its personnel from the following sagei : Tourong- bam, Loukham, Ang5njambam, Kongabam, Keisham, Konsam, and looks after the manufacture of silver and brass vessels.

The next three departments relate to the work of the special castes Ahaiba, Sanjam and Thangjam. The Ningthou phisaba department is charged with the superintendence of the manu- facture of the Royal clothes which have to be made with special precautions, lest through them any harm come to the Royal wearer. The Takhen pungaiba beate the gongs, and is in attendance on the Eaja when he plays polo or witnesses a polo match. The Boldeb Seina are overseers of the supply of firewood. Meitan-sang provides fuel. The Khongjai Lambus deal with Kuki affairs. Tilli-loi-sang brings in the Lois for special work. The department of the Thouban-tong provides cooking pots, and therefore connects the central administration with the village governments in Chairel and Shuganu where pots are made by Lois, The Hisang deal with all matters relating to boats.

The Penakhongba accompany the Raja and Rani on their travels, and play the penay and also take part in the festival umang Lai haraoba, or the feast of the Jungle Gods. The Maiba Sanglen, though low down on the list, is the College of the Maibas, and deals with all matters concerning the Pibaship of the sageis, both great and small, and also conducts the worship of the Umang Lai. The Ametpa seems to be con- nected with the preceding class, and is in charge of the Royal gongs.

The Maibi Loisang corresponds to the Maiba Loisang, and is the College of the Maibis. The special duty of the Panji Loisang seems to be to forecast the future of the year, and, in particular, to predict whether any earthquake is likely to occur. The Lairik yengbam is the clerkly class with duties bringing it into contact with all the other Loisang departments. The duties of the Dhobi and Napit * class are obvious at once. The Mayang-sajik department supervises the supplies of fodder

Dhobi = washerman, Napit = barber.

and grass for the elephants and ponies. There were also minor departments entitled the Manang Usang, the Kunda Sang, and Mukna Kanba. The next group of departments is in charge of affairs relating to the Panggans of Muhammedan inhabitants, and consists of Panggan Sanglen, Panggan Inkh6l, Panggan Singa Loisang, Panggan phundrai Loisang, Panggan Kumar, Panggan Mall (apparently the Muhammedan acrobats and per- formers), Panggan Likli. The principal official here is the Kazi.* The Yaithibi looked after the sweepers who kept the Palace clean, and with this department we are introduced to the servile Naga communities such as the sweepers, and mochis.

The Haojaopam dealt with cases of persons who had lost caste by reason of being degraded to Lois. The Duhon Loisang, Anik Loisang, and San-gom Loisang were semi-private departments of the Raja, and provided water, materials for offerings to the Deities, and milk. Then in charge of the Keis were their own village officers at the villages Tingri Kei, Wakching Kei, Yairibok Ningthounai Kei, Tampak mayum (in which there were fourteen minor subdivisions entitled Sanglen, Haomacha, Sanggai sanglen, Arongba, Akhonba, Lou- khumta, Khudong, Sagon Sang, Pukei, Laikhong Siphai, Mapan- thong, Brindabon Chandro pujari, Duhol and Bhandari). In the Manung Loisang were four departments Eoul Loisang, Chakkon, Sebok Pukei, Bhandari. To the service of Gobinda (Govindji) were dedicated the Lai bhandari, Mantri sebok, and Kirtana. The Duhon Loisang scattered clean water over the people of the Deity. The Keis of Charang Pat and Wangbon Ningthou- khong, and Thingnung, were also employed in the service of Govindji. The departments known as Palla-han Palla- yeima, Palla naha, Sebok-palla and Yaripok Chaba, discharged duties in connection with the daily ceremonial of the kirton of the Koyal Family. The Palla amanba seem to have been the choristers and musicians of Govindji, while the Bamjigi Palla, the Mahabali Thakur Palla, the Kallika Debi Palla and the Abdanta Prabhugi Palla, the Kammokha Debi (? Kamaikhya Debi) ministered unto their Deities.

In much the same thorough manner the Brahmins were appointed to offices, the titles of which are mostly of foreign derivation. They were equally liable to lallup, their duty consisting of ministrations to the Hindu Deities.

The Bijaya Garot, or Military Court, consisted of the Senapati, the Tuli Hal Major, the Tuli Yaima Major, the Tuli Naha Major, Bhitna Major, Bishnu Soina Ahal Major, Bishnu Naha Major, Top Major, Ayapuren Major, Pihila, Sajor, Subedar, Jamadar, Amandar Major, Kut, Agari Holdar, Awondar, Amandar, Garot Kothantor, Kothandor. The Tuli-Han regiment consisted of twelve companies known by the names of the villages from which they came. Tuli Yaima regiment consisted of eleven companies, Tuli Naha of twelve companies, Bhitna Tuli of eight companies, Bishnu Saina Ahal of nine companies, Bishnu Naha of the same number, and the Top Tuli (Eegiment of Artillery) of twelve companies.

There were other regiments, Kang Tuli (eight companies), Kanguao Tuli (seventeen companies), Oinam- nong (seven companies), Nawa Tuli (twelve companies). I do not know the precise military duties of the Bamdiar who pos- sessed a military organization, but were drawn from the four pannas. Possibly it was a Service Corps. In addition to duty in the Konung or Fort, there were outposts in charge of the military forces of the. State, and it seems that in all there were thirty-six such posts.

There also seem to be Iallup officers attached to certain regiments, but whether they were merely put there for the purpose of providing the commissariat of the regiment with the necessary supplies or for any other purpose, is not clear. Each regiment of the First Class was commanded by a Major, whose second in command bore the title Pahila. There was one Havildar Major and two Kuts to each regiment. Each company was controlled by a Subadar, a Jemadar, an Agari Holdar, a Havildar and an Amandar. The total strength of officers in a regiment of twelve companies would thus be sixty-five, which seems large. There are no exact figures available of the strength of a company in normal conditions, but it may be surmised that no " actuarial calculations " would explain the inefficiency of the regiment as a fighting unit.

There are certain villages, such as the Loi villages, which are not worked by the ordinary lallup system, but possess their own officials. At Thanga there are two classes of lallup, the one for the service of the Raja, and the second for the Rani. In each class there are fourteen grades. At Iting there are eleven grades. Chairen, Hairok, Kokching, (Khul-len), enjoy the dignity of a Ningthou as their chief officer, who at Kok- ching is known as the Budhiraj.

The second official enjoys the military distinction of Senapati (Commander-in-Chief). The smaller villages, such as Tangjing, Shuganu, Langathen, Kok- ching Yairi, Eokching Ehunao, Andro, kameng Kokching, Susa Kameng, Sekmai Awang, Kuru Khul, Kao taruk, Kameng, Chakpa Laimaram, are less endowed with officers, the chief of whom bears the title khullakpa. In the villages or hamlets occupied by Lois, especially the twelve salt villages, the chief village official is the hanjaba, but then these villages are under the care of the Thumjaorungba or overseers of salt, a lallup department of some importance. The list of offices at Moirang may be given in full, because while due to Meithei influence the list shows that the independence which Moirang has always claimed for its own affairs, has reflected on the village organization.

The chief is the Moirang Ningthou or King, a title which at the present time is held by the grand- father of the Raja, although the right of the British Govern- ment to confer it was bitterly contested. Then in order of precedence we have the khadarakpa, the Senapati, the Mantri, the Pukhramba, the Nongthonba, Ngangkharalq)a, the Okching- lakpa, the Ehoyal lakpa, the Khambi-rakpa, the Ngang-ngou- rakpa, the Ching-ngai-rakpa, the H^rakpa, the Yaosmakpa, the Thanggarakpa, the Kei-rung-pa (four in number), the Phaug thou eight in number, and the Lairen lakpa and Lairen hidang. At Ningthoukhong, where resides the Piba or tribal head of the Kumul clan, we have in order of precedence the Ningthou, the Senapati, the Khullakpa, the Luplakpa, the Mantri, the Dewan, the Patchahanba, the Achrombi, the' Keirungba, the Pakhanlakpa, the Naharakpa, theDulairoi Hanjabaand Hidang, the Boro and Choto Gayet, the Akhanba Hanjaba and Hidang, Hiruba, Hinaoba, and the Sellungba.

The same officials in the same order existed at the village of Khangabok. At Sekmai we have an officer named the Yupalpa or ganger, who is found in all the Loi villages in which yu or spirit is manufactured.

Note. — The word Panna is used to describe the Revenue Division in the Shan State, Keng Tung. Cf. Upper Burma Gazetteer part 1.

Internal Structure

The Meitheis are divided into seven clans, Ningthaja, Kumul, Luang, Angom, Moirang, Khabananba and Chenglei. The verpacular name for these divisions is salei* Each of these saleis consists of a number of sub-groups called yumnaks, the number varying from one hundred and fifteen in the Ningthaja, or Royal clan, to seventeen in * the Khabananba. There is a tradition to the effect that formerly there were ten clans and that two, if not three, have been extinguished (mut-khre). In support of this tradition, reference may be made to the favourite ballad of Numit-kappa or the man who shot the sun, where mention is made of the ten kings of the land. The head or piha of certain clans is still designated the Ningthou, or king of the clan, and it was suggested to me that the ten kings of the ballad were the pibas of the ten clans. The small clan, Khabananba, is said to be a composite clan.

The Kumuls and the Luangs are in some remote manner connected, with the result that they do not intermarry. It seems probable that in earlier days these clans occupied definite areas, as we know to have been the case with the Moirangs who still preserve a considerable degree of independence and autonomy and are mainly settled in the immediate vicinity of their eponymous village. Again, Colonel McCuUoch refers to the fact that, "Tradition brings the Moirang tribe from the south, the direction of the Kookies, the Koomul from the east, the direction of the Murrings, and the Meithei and Looang from the north-west, the direction of the Koupooees." t It will be observed that this quotation seems to assume that the Meithei and the Ningthaja are identical, although, as a matter of fact, the name Meithei is given to the combination rather than to any single unit in it.

An ingenious theory in explanation of the extinction of the two clans which are believed to have disappeared, was once put to me by a Manipuri, who argued, that in earlier times the

It may be derived from the Manipuri root, pan = to rule.

Salei = tribe ; sagei, normally used in reference to a Naga clan,

means " relationship ; " yummnak = household. clans occupied definite areas, and that the brunt of the Burmese invasions fell on them because they happened to occupy the area first attacked by the Burmese, who, as is well known from historical records, carried large numbers of Manipuris into permanent captivity. The point may be cleared up by a careful investigation into the reminiscences and traditions of the Manipuri settlers both in Burma and Cachar.

Another curious circumstance is that among all the hill- tribes, we find a similar organization of the unit into sub- divisions which are strictly exogamic, and among the hill-tribes these sub-divisions bear the Manipuri names, Ningthaja, Kumul and Luang. Only rarely do we find the name Angom given to a Naga clan or sagei. The name Khaba occurs twice, but in both instances among the Tangkhuls. In one village, a Tangkhul village named Nungbi, we find Anganba and the names Atum and Kasu which are described by the Tangkhuls * as Manipuri names but are not now in use among the Manipuris. Apart from this, which may be pure coincidence, there is no material for holding that the names of the lost tribes were Atum and Kasu.

The Lois are divided into clans in much the same way and intermarry with other Loi villages if the industry of those villages be identical with that of their own. Thus the Lois of the salt making villages would intermarry, but it is not likely that they would go to Fayeng, a silk village, for wives, nor that Fayeng would give them their girls. Such Loi villages as are known to have originated as penal settlements for deserving Manipuris, claim a higher status in the world than other Lois and always grasp a chance of asserting their fidelity to Hinduism.

One of the earliest tokens of the progress of a Loi community towards Hinduism is the abandonment of delicacies in the ¥ray of food and drink. This sometimes involves them in serious loss when the industry of the community happens to be the distillation of country spirit.

The Chronicles of Manipur make it abundantly clear that the

Tangkhuls existed as an organized tribe in occupation of much the same area as at present, at a period coeval with the establishment of the Meithei hegemony in the valley, by the defeat of the Moirang tribesmen in A.D. 1431

Marriage Rules

The Meitheis are exogamous as regards the clans or saleis into which they are divided, but are endogamous as regards members of other tribes, though there are cases on record of marriages between Brahmins and Meithei girls. Such is the strict rule, but it may be inferred that it has not always been rigorously adhered to, since the Chronicles refer in more than one passage to the wrath of the Raja at the disregard of the proprieties and his orders that they " should not marry people of their own kins". There were special penalties on breaches of this rule in the shape of the loss of the privilege of giving water to the Raja, but their validity was derived, in the first instance, from the superstitious fear of divine wrath for the violation of an essential tabu (namung-ba in Meithei).

The general rule is amplified by further rules, which may be survivals from an order of things which has now passed away. Angoms were not allowed to marry with Khabananbas, Moirangs, or Luangs. The Luangs were forbidden to take their wives from among the Kumuls, and the Moirangs were not permitted to marry the Khabananbas, and one or two families of the Chenglei salei were also forbidden to them.

The family of Moirang Laipham seems to have been prohibited to the Ningthaja clan, but the case is obscure, and, if genuine, constitutes the only prohibition affecting the Ningthajas, In one case only, that of the Kumuls and the Luangs, is an explanation afforded by tradition, which asserts that once upon a time a Kumul Wazir * saved the life of a Luang who had been sentenced to death. In the Kumul lol, or account of the Kumul tribe, the following statement occurs, which may perhaps afford a further clue to the difficulty. " Luang Ningthou Punsiba, or the long lived, became the King of Kumul, and had two children, Nungthongai and Lungba. Lungba became the King of the Kumuls, while Nungba became Luang," It may be remembered that the modem rule in Manipur is that the succession to titles where the right of the strong hand fails to operate is by primogeniture,

The use of the Muhammedan title Wazir is curiously paralleled by

the title Shahi, used by the successors and sons of Garib Nawaz, and has been suggested to me as due to a temporary predominance of Muham- medan influence in Manipur. while the heir general is the younger son, as the elder son is provided for by gifts inter vivos.

There seems to be a rule requiring the Meithei Ningthou to be a close connection by marriage of the Angom Ningthou, and by custom the formal coronation of the latter precedes by a few days that of the former. The relationship between the Meithei Ningthou and the Ang6m Ningthou, the heads, one of the Ningthaja, or Royal clan, and the other of one of the most important clans, is generally that of son-in-law and father- in-law.

The Meitheis are polygamous,* and the Raja may have three principal wives, with as many as one hundred and eight sub- sidiary partners. Debindro Singh, in a short reign of three months, managed to amass ninety-six wives, but it is improbable that they were simultaneously members of the Royal household. The titles of the Raja's wives in order of precedence are, (1) Maharani ; (2) Apanbi (which may mean either the preferred one or the one who rules) ; (3) Laimakhubi.

Further, there is a rule of general application that a man may not marry a woman of the clan from which his mother came. The prohibition goes no further than the one generation.

Colonel Johnstone f states that " they have a curious custom by which a man of low caste, marrying a high caste woman, can be adopted into her tribe (salei, or clan), the exact reverse of what prevails in India, where a woman of high caste marrying a low caste man is hopelessly degraded, and her children outcasts." The exact meaning of this statement is not quite clear to me, but if it means that marriages between Meithei women and Nagas or Lois are either common or capable of legitimation in the automatic manner implied, it is not in accordance with the facts I have observed. No doubt there are cases on record of the adoption of men of the subject communities by the Eaja and of their subsequent marriage with Meithei women, but the important thing is that the adoption precedes • the marriage. One of the Naga Lum Subadars was known to have been a

The marriage of sisters to one husband is permitted, provided that

the elder sister's marriage is prior to that of the younger. Tangkhul Naga by birth, but he was taken prisoner when quite a child, and by his intelligence and good manners attracted the notice of the itaja, who not only made him a good Manipuri, but gave him office and the privilege of riding in a dodie. I made careful inquiries into the accuracy of the statement quoted above, and find that there is no system in Manipur which can be so dascribed.

Widows may remarry, but not with their deceased husband's brothers. There is no ceremony for the remarriage of widows. In polygamous households the husband's attentions to the several wives are strictly regulated according to precedence, the eldest getting twice the nominal share of the wife next below her. In actual practice, I am given to understand that these rules are often broken. I have had to adjudicate upon complaints of conjugal discourtesy in polygamous households.

Inheritance

There are some difficulties which must be cleared out of the way before the rules of inheritance, both of ordinary property and of offices and dignities, can be considered. In the first place it must be remembered that the security of property was never very adequately safe-guarded in Manipur, and that theories of recent date which assign the property in the land to the Baja, tend to destroy the few surviving relics of the earlier system.

The Chronicles of Manipur do not afford us much aid in ascertaining the rules of inheritance for private property, and at the present time the economics of the state are in flux under pressure of new ideas political and social. Land is regarded as held at the will of the ruling power of the State. As regards movable property the general practice seems to be to provide for the sons during the lifetime of the father, and to regard the youngest son as the heir general if at the time of the father's death he is still living in the ancestral home.

If he had separated and was living apart from his father, the property should be equally divided among the sons. Marriage is of course the cause of the separation of the sons from the home. and is the occasion of finding provision for them as well as for the daughters. Mr. Colquhoun, I.C.S., states that in theory the rules of the Dayabhaga are followed, and notes that " the Manipuri Courts are not credited with much knowledge of that treatise. But the improvidence of the Manipuri is such as to render the rules of succession to movable property of little importance, because even those who are reputed to be rich, are very often found to be bankrupt on their decease. It is politically unwise to possess the reputation of wealth in a country where the conditions of life are as unsettled as they still are in many respects in Manipur, and those who held high oflSces, had to spend freely to maintain their position which might be at any moment taken from them and disposed of to a higher bidder.

Colonel Mcculloch* says, "There is no law as to the descent of property. It is willed away according to the pleasure of the testator, but is generally given to those in- dividuals of the family who are most in need of it without reference to seniority."

But the succession to dignities and offices, such as the king- ship or the pabaship of the clans, is a matter concerning which there is a mass of material of extreme value and importance. Up to the reign of Churairomba the royal succession was fairly regular, though here and there the direct line was broken by some strong intruder. According to the general account the crown devolved by the ordinary method of primogeniture. There is, however, much mystery about the circumstances of the death of Churairomba and the succession of Gharib Nawaz (Pamheiba in Meithei style). Dr. Brown gives the following version of the facts as given to him : " In that year (1714), Pamheiba, who appears to have been a Naga boy brought up and adopted by the Baja Churai Bomba, shot his adopted father, it is said accidentally, whilst hunting, and sucoeeded him" (Mcculloch's account, p. 6). The following is the account of Pamheiba given by the authorities who deny that he was of Naga extraction: — "The father of Pamheiba was, they say, the Baja Churai Bomba himself ; the name of his mother was Noongtil Chaibee, one of the Baja's wives, but not the head wife or Ranee. The custom at that time in Munnipore was to kill all male children by any of the wives except the Ranee. Noongtil Chaibee concealed the fact of the birth of Pamheiba, and anxious to save his life, persuaded her father to take charge of him. This he did, and carried off the child to a village named Lai Sangkong, to the extreme west of the valley. When Pamheiba was about four years old, the Ranee heard of his existence and sent secretly to kill him. The boy's grandfather escaped with him to the village of Tangal in the hills to the north occupied by the Quiron tribe of Nagas. Time went on, and the Ranee having no family there arose a difficulty about the succession.

The Raja was unaware up to this time of the existence of his son Pamheiba, although he had a suspicion of the fact. He made a declaration before all his wives that, if any of them should have concealed a male child, they would be freely forgiven and the child made his heir. The mother of Pamheiba promised to make inquiries if the Raja would swear that no harm should befall the child, and on his doing so, she confessed to the existence of Pamheiba. The boy was sent for and acknowledged by the Raja and people to be the son of Churai Romba.

The villagers who sheltered the boy were also rewarded. Churai Romba, according to the Munnipore account, was killed by a poisoned arrow in fighting a tribe to the south called Toosook, upon which Pamheiba, better known by his Hindoo name of Gurreeb Nawaz, ascended the guddee’’

The traditions which I have collected, both among the Manipuris and among the Nagas, modify the above account in some not unimportant particulars. In the first place they do not mention any custom by which the son of the Rani alone was saved. The reason why the male children of Churai Romba were killed off was that there was a prophecy that he should die by the hand of his son.

The child Pamheiba was concealed, and when the suspicions of Churai Romba were aroused, he ordered all the children from the village of Maikel, where young Pamheiba was in hiding, to be brought down to Imphal and entertained. They were all bidden to watch the boat-race from a bridge the supports of which had been sawn asunder so that they broke and the children were drowned, but some one had warned Pamheiba's guardians and he escaped. To this episode they ascribe the origin of the custom which prohibits the spectators at the Hi-yang (boat race, from hi as boat, yang = swiftness) from standing on any bridge beneath which the rowers would have to pass.* Some years afterwards he returned to Manipur and by his charm of manner and readiness of speech drew upon himself the attention of the Baja, who made him his personal attendant. One day they were out hunting and the arrow from the bow of Pamheiba killed his father. Then the prophecy was recalled to mind, and at last the whole story came to light. Now to this day the Nagas of Maikel receive pre- cedence over all other Nagas at the annual Naga sports as a reward for the protection which they afforded the king in his early days. Of course the divine ancestor Pakhangba is brought into the affair by the supposition that his accidental death at the hands of his son transmitted a sort of tendency to parricide to his descendants.t

The Chronicles do not afford any sort of warrant for either of these legends, and there is not the slightest hint that at any time was it customary for the succession to be restricted to the son of the eldest Rani alone.

The long reign of Pamheiba, during which the fortunes of Manipur reached their zenith, ended by the black tragedy of the murder of the old King by his son Jit Shah or Shai. The eldest son Sham Shah or Shai was murdered at the same time, but the parricide did not long retain the throne, for he was driven out by Bharat Shai, who reigned for two years, when he was succeeded by Guru Sham. Colonel McCulloch says, and the statement is to some extent confirmed by the Chronicles, that " This Gouroo Sham was a cripple, and it is related that considering himself from his infirmity unfit to be sole ruler, he

The custom really belongs to a group of customs which exhibit a

belief in the peculiar sanctity of the head.

In the famous prophecy of all the wonder that would be" that was made to Khagenba, Pamheiba is given to the King, Churairombs, by the Khullakpa of Thangal — a Naga village, in the north. Churai- romba is also said to be the last of the line of Pakhangba and with Pamheiba begins the line of the descendants of Senamehi associated with himself his brother Jaee Singh or Chingtung komba, and that they ruled alternately. This arrangement lasted until Gouroo Sham's death, about 1764, when the sole authority fell to Chingtung Komba, who held it up to 1798." * Once again the close of the long reign of a fairly strong and capable king was followed by wild scenes of bloodshed, the numerous sons of Chingtung Komba, Rabino Chandra, Madu Chandra, Chourjit Singh, Marjit and Grambhir Singh all fighting for the throne. After the treaty of Yandabo, Gambhir Singh, who had raised the Manipur Levy among the refugees in Sylhet, was recognized as King, and the independence of the State was formally guaranteed. On his death, in 1834, his son and heir, Chandra Kirti Singh, was a minor, and the Senapati, Nur Singh, a descendant of Churairomba, became Regent The Queen Mother is said to have been implicated in a plot to kill the Regent while he was worshipping at the temple of Govindji. The plot failed, and the Queen Mother fled to Cachar, taking the Minor Raja with her. Nur Singh was not allowed to remain quiet, and had to defend his throne against numerous attacks headed by members of the royal family, who, in their comfortable exile in Cachar or Sylhet, managed to collect adherents and arms. Nur Singh died in 1850, and was suc- ceeded by his brother Debendro Singh, although he left sons who fled at once to Cachar. They returned with Chandra Kirti Singh, who drove Debendro Singh out with their aid. He was at once recognized by the people as the rightful King, and appointed the sons of Nur Singh to the oifices of Senapati and Jubraj. Chandra Kirta Singh had soon to contend with his friends and supporters, for Nur Singh's sons turned against him, and for some years the Country was constantly harassed by attempts made by rival claimants to oust Chandra Kirti Singh, who succeeded in consolidating his hold on the throne. He had a large family of sons, all of whom held court appoint- ments. Before his death, in 1886, the Government of India, on the request of Chandra Kirti Singh, acknowledged the Jubraj Sur Chandra Singh as the heir and successor. Colonel John- stone, who was Political Agent in Manipur at the time, has

1826. Mackenzie, North-East Frontier of Bengal recorded the following account of what happened : " As soon as the Maharajah was again able to transact business, he begged me to write to the Government of India, and request that the Jubraj should be acknowledged by them as his successor. I did so, at the same time strongly urging that the guarantee should be extended to the Jubraj's children, so as to preclude the possibility of a disputed succession at his death. The Jubraj earnestly supported this request; but the Maharajah preferred adhering to the old Manipuri custom which really seemed made to encourage strife. If, for instance, a man had ten sons, they all succeeded one after the other, passing over the children of the elder ones ; but when the last one died, then his children succeeded as children of the last Baja, to the exclusion of all the elder brothers' children. All the same, if these could make good their claim by force of arms, they were cheer- fully accepted by the people who were ready to take any scion of royalty." * So far as the Chronicles of the State enable us to judge, there has never been a case of such rular succession, and the facts of all the cases point to one conclusion, that the only rule recognized is that the strongest member of the royal family held the throne as long ad, and only just as long as, he could, and when a stronger man came, his day was done.

Sur Chandra Singh abdicated in September, 1890, and his brother, Kula Chandra Singh, who, till then, had been Jubraj, became Regent. The brothers of the whole blood went to British India in company with Sur Chandra Singh, and their offices were taken by the brothers of the half blood who threw in their lot with Kula Chandra Singh. The circumstances of the abdication of the late Raja finally brought about British intervention, and on the unhappy events of March, 1891, the State passed into the hands of the Government of India, who, after full consideration of all the circumstances, decided to place a grandson of Nur Singh on the throne, and to administer the State during his minority.

Such is the history of the succession to the throne of Manipur, and from these facts it may be possible to disentangle some ideas as to the custom of the royal succession. The one fact that stands out most clearly id that the Baja must belong to the Ningthaja or royal clan ; but beyond that I can see no more than —

- The good old rule, the simple plan,

He takes that may, and keeps that can."

The explanation of the alternate succession of Guru Sham and Chingtung Komba is that the physical defects of the former made it impossible for him to take part in any of the sacerdotal ceremonies at which the presence of the Raja is regarded as necessary.

With regard to other offices such as the pihaship of one of the clans, the succession seems to be determined by primo- geniture. This rule does not apply to the ceremonial offices of Kings of the clans which may be held by persons who are not the pibds. It is abundantly clear from the Chronicles that the Eaja appointed whom he pleased to the Kingship of the Angom clan, and it is to be remembered that the King of the Angom clan is by custom the father-in-law of the Raja. It is not clear that he was always an Angom. The British Government, therefore, in appointing the maternal grandfather of the present Eaja to the Kingship of the Moirang clan, did not commit any unprecedented breach of custom.

It appears that the executive and judicial offices of the country were at one time hereditary ; but Colonel Mcculloch remarks that "in these days hereditary fumtaus do not suit the money-loving views of the authorities, and they are made arbitrarily for a consideration and as arbitrarily dis- missed when another candidate offers a larger sum. The presidency of the Court (the Paja which dealt with cases connected with women) appears to be the right of the family called Paja Hulbum, which is descended from the royal family ; that family, however, now only holds it when it suits the Raja's convenience." * I have had to deal with claims to succeed to village offices where the one party would strongly contend that the right was strictly hereditary, and the other would declare that the brother right prevailed in respect of the village offices and that therefore there ought to be a sort of general post at the death of any village office-holder. It may be pointed put that both contentions have some weight in them, for among the Kuki communities with which Captain Butler, of the Naga Hills,* was acquainted, were some which practised this method of succession by gradual promotion. Among Naga tribes the village offices go by primogeniture. The utility of fraternal succession has been explained by Sir Henry Maine

Among the Lois the youngest son gets the house and land, but movable property is divided among the sons.

Adoption

There is still in active progress a movement among the inferior tribes, such as the Lois and the Nagas, to seek admission to the ranks of the Meithei. The first step taken is to abandon the consumption of food and drink which are proscribed to good Hindus, and then, after a period of probation, to obtain the permission of the Raja to assume the sacred thread. Colonel Mcculloch remarks that The Raja, Brahmins, and members of the Royal family, give the thread indiscriminately, but to receive it from the Baja, and to become his disciple, seems to be the preferred method." :(Circumstances have changed, and the position of the Brahmin has become stronger, so that aspiration to the honour of Hinduism finds probably more difficulties than it did when those words were written. Much disgust was excited among the orthodox Hindus by the claims of the Loi villages to be allowed to style themselves Hindus when asked by the census officers to state their religion. Mr. Colquhoun thus describes the actual ceremony of admission : " Outsiders are freely admitted by the Meithei, provided that they can prove themselves to belong to one of the higher Hindu castes, i.e. those from whose hands Brahmins may take water, such as the Kahar, or gowalla. The lower castes are, in theory, not admissible. The rites of admission comprise ceremonial ablu- tion, impression of the tilaK, and investiture with the sacred thread, all accompanied by the recitation of Mantras, which may not be divulged. Presents are, of course, given to the presiding Guru. The candidate is then admitted as a member

Butler, Travels and Adventures in Assam.

Ancient Law, p. 241 ; Early Law and Custom. of one of the seven Yek or septs, and assumes one of the Yumnak, or family names of that Yeh. He is not at once accorded the full privileges of his position, e.g, men of the same yumnak will not ordinarily eat with him. Food cooked in his house by a Brahman would, however, be generally acceptable ; similar principles given (? govern) the admission of children of foreigners by Meithei women."

Tenure Of Land And Laws Regarding Land

Dr. Brown states* that "The whole land system of the valley starts with the assumption that all the land belongs to the Raja, and is his to give away or retain as he pleases. Under the Raja is an offcial named the Phoonan Saloomba, whose duty it is to superintend all matters connected with land cultivation ; he looks after the measurement, receives the rent in kind, and transacts all business matters connected with the land on behalf of the Raja. The land is subdivided into villages and their surroundings ; the head man of each division or village looks after the cultivation, and is responsible for the realiza- tion of the tax payable by each cultivator ; he holds no interest in the land, and is merely an agent of the Raja.

" Besides the land thus directly, as it were, cultivated for the Raja, grants of land are given to officials and favourites, some- times for their own lives only, or for a specified time, some- times for themselves and descendants. These hold their lands on payment of the usual tax in kind. Connections of the Raja, Brahmins, and Sepoys, pay no rent or tax on a fixed proportion of land regulated in each case, but on any increase on the land cultivated above that proportion rent is paid.

" The proportion of land cultivated under what may be called the direct system on account of the Raja is about a third of the whole ; rather more than a third is in the possession of members of the ruling family, Brahmins and Sepoys : the remainder is in the hands of the head men, officials, etc., who hold it by favour from the Raja. Each individual liable for lalloop or forced labour for the State, is entitled to cultivate for his support one purree of land, equivalent to about three English acres, subject to the payment of the regular tax in kind.

"The tax in kind realized from each cultivator, and which goes to the Raja, is liable to many modifications, although, in theory, the tax is a fixed one. The tax, as given by Mcculloch, varies from 2 baskets to 13 from each purree. I am informed that the 2 baskets which nominally should be only taken from every one alike, is realized from favourites, and that the average from others may be set down at 12 baskets yearly; this is seldom exceeded, except in rare emergencies, as war, etc. This again will only apply to land cultivated for the Raja, or held by those subject to kuloop, In cases where lands are held by officials, etc., as middlemen, the burdens are more severe, running as high as 24 baskets per purree, which, I am informed, is the outside limit.

- The average yield per purree, or three acres, is about 150

baskets annually : each basket contains about 60 pounds."

On the subject of the cultivation of land, etc., Ciolonel McCulloch, in his report to Government, dated February 28, 1867, writes : " The Raja is the absolute proprietor of the soil, and can dispose of it as he likes. No one is prohibited from cultivating, but rather the contrary, for every male who comes on duty is entitled to cultivate one purree of land, paying a rent for the same. The State rent is nominally 2 baskets of rice in the husks, the basketful weighing 50 or 60 pounds; but usually 12 or 13 baskets are taken. Considering, however, that the worst purree of land yields 100 baskets and the best fix)m 160 to 200, the 13 baskets is not a high rent ; but so long as the rent taken by the State is given out as two, every basket over this is an exaction, and m^-y be made a matter of grievance, as it is now. But this grievance can only be one as long as the purree of the cultivator is of the standard measure, which is very seldom the case — indeed, it has sometimes been found nearer two, and until a survey has been made, neither the Eaja nor the people can be satisfied. Seeing the necessity for a survey the Raja has commenced one, but it is much disliked, and, I fear, though several persons connected with it have been punished for taking bribes, that they will still be taken, and that the measurement will not be honestly done, even if the people employed were qualified to do it, which I doubt.

" The land under cultivation yields sufficient for the wants of the people, but the action of the Keiroi-thau is against the extension of cultivation, and unless steadily looked to, would lead to its diminution. The latter result might be disastrous and though I cannot report any real improvement in the kei- roi'thau* I am glad to say that for some time past attention has been directed to it, and I hope, as the Raja is anxious to bring more land into cultivation, for which purpose water- courses are to be dug, he will see clearly the necessity of so reforming this thau as to make the people willing to take up the land which will be thus rendered fit for cultivation."

These quotations serve to make it clear that the theory of the vestment of absolute rights over the land in the Raja had firmly established itself in the minds of the officers who repre- sented the Government of India in the State some thirty years ago, but the closer acquaintance with the people, which has been not the least important of the results of the occupation of the State by British officers, renders it no less clear that the people themselves are far from accepting this theory in the blunt and unqualified manner in which it is stated by the native autho- rities, most of whom were interested witnesses. The system is one of severalty, as is to be expected in a country where per- manent settlement is possible, but the number and importance of the protests which have from time to time been made against the unrestricted alienation of land by Manipuris to Muham- medans and other persons of alien descent, the vigorous denuncia- tion of the speculative tricksters, who took out leases for the waste lands near outlying villages and charged exorbitant rent for grazing or grass cutting, and the strength of the village system, afford evidence that the real nature of the tenure of non-arable land was communal and joint, while cultivated fields were held in severalty, a sure proof that we have to deal with a state of affairs halfway between absolute joint tenure and perfect severalty.

Keiroi-thau = labour of Keis and Lois.

Laws Regarding Other Property

Murder was generally punished with death, but in cases where extenuating circumstances were proved, mutilation was inflicted. Brahmins who committed murder, were banished from the country. In earlier times theft, especially cattle theft, still a common offence in the country, was punished with death, but banishment to a Loi village, a penalty which, if continued for any length of time carried with it degradation from caste, became regarded as more appropriate. More than once, cases of recidivism occurred which required rather special treatment, and perhaps on the principle that prevention is better than a doubtful cure, the authorities cut off the right hand of a thief on his second conviction, while one notorious housebreaker was permanently confined in a strong wooden box, a punish- ment which was recommended to us when the prince of jail breakers, Apaibi or Fly-away, was causing us some anxiety by his exploits. In modem times an improvement in the system of punishments was effected by the erection of a jail, which the native authorities did not manage on the theory that a jail should be a comfortable place for blackguards of the country to arrange plans of future campaigns against the peaceable people.

The prisoners were freely employed on extramural labour without much serious interference with their health, which seems to have been regarded as of less importance than the protection of property and the prevention of crime by deterring the evil doers from a repetition of their misdeeds.

One of the most reprehensible features of the methods of the State was the partiality shown in judicial matters to the privileged classes such as the Brahmins and Rajkumars, but the blame which attaches to this must be held to be diminished by the tenderness they exhibited towards women, for whom the only punishments were banishment to a Loi village, which entailed at least temporary loss of caste, or the punishment known as Khungoindba, which is thus described in the Chronicles: " She is made thoroughly naked, only a small bit of cloth tied round her waist, she is shaved off her hairs, and her bare head and face are painted with lime, ink and turmeric colours, broom- sticks are tied on her back with a drum, one man will pull her on the front by a piece of rope tied on her neck, and a large crowd will gather on her back beating the drum, at the same time her crime will be proclaimed to the public, and thus she will walk through the several streets and bazars." It is only fair to say that this method of punishment became obsolete by the beginning of the last century, and the passage quoted above bears the date 1696.

The methods of capital punishment varied considerably, and Colonel Johnstone states* that he was informed that it was the custom in Manipur to put a murderer to death in the manner in which he had committed the murder, and that by his representations he succeeded in persuading the authorities to adopt decapitation as the one method of carrying out the death sentence. Cases of high treason, when the offenders were members of the Royal family, were punished by death by drowning, the offenders being tied in a sack and thrown into a river at some plewe where another river meets it. The reason for this is obscure, but certainly connected with the belief in the special sanctity of such a spot.

Special mention must be made of the custom which required the presence of a high official at all executions to see that the sentence was duly carried out. If it happened that for good and sufficient reason no much officer was present, it was necessary for the fetters and manacles with which the prisoners were bound to be struck off by a blacksmith, before the execu- tion, and taken to the Raja as a proof that the order had been given effect. The place of execution was either in front of the stone Dragons (the Nongsha), which stood before the Kangla or Coronation Hall, or under a tree on the bank of the Nambol river. When decapitation was employed as the method of execution, the prisoner was placed on his back and his head cut off by a stroke of a dao across the throat. The executioner was a Naga of a special village.

The laws of the country regarding debt are simple. When a sum of money had been borrowed and not returned within a year, the sum due was double the sum borrowed, and either as a result of this rule, or even perhaps as the cause of it, we find

where further information is given on the subject of the punishments inflicted on wrongdoers. that the Manipuris have a bad reputation for neglect of their financial obligations. No doubt the security was often poor, and if the creditor had to wait a long time for his money when the rate of interest was high, he required the protection which this rule was intended to give him. As a fact, this rule is not uncommon among the people of the hills. But in Manipur, if it was not possible for an insolvent debtor to discharge his debts in full, he was allowed to make himself the slave, as it has been unfairly called, of his creditor.

Now there were two kinds of slavery, the one originating, as I have stated, in simple debt, and the other where the slave becomes the absolute property of the master. Colonel McCulloch thus describes the two systems : * " Many become slaves voluntarily ; some of them with the view of discharging a money debt which they cannot otherwise do, and some from sheer laziness. They live in the same house as their master, eat with him, and are altogether like members of the family. To abuse and ill-use slaves is the exception. These remarks refer more especially to Munniporees in a state of slavery. The hill people occasionally sell themselves ; but more frequently they are sold by their relatives. There are two descriptions of slaves; the one, the absolute property of the buyer, called meenai chanaba,^ the other asdlba, or a slave for such time as the money paid to him, or advanced on him, may not be paid back. The latter is like giving work in lieu of the interest of the money paid, and should the person who becomes asdlba get sick he is obliged to give a substitute or make good in coin the labour lost in the interval of sickness. Of course, to the asdlba no considerable sum would be advanced unless he promised to work for at least one cultivating seasoa The hill people who are slaves are not perhaps so well treated as the Munniporees in a state of slavery, but there are many checks on ill use. If not satisfied with their condition they run to some other house where slaves are better treated. The master makes a point, if possible, of paying their price, usually, how- ever, not in full, for the circumstance of a slave running to another's protection is considered a sign of his having been ill-treated, and as justifying an abatement. Slaves, too, often abscond to the hills, where they conceal themselves in the hill villages; but as they are apt there to be apprehended, they usually prefer passing into the British territory, where they are at once free. Thus, those who have slaves are under the necessity of treating them well, and slavery is much modified."

In another passage Colonel McCuUoch says that " A man can put away his wife without any fault on her part, and if a person of influence he may do so without its being noticed. The rule, however, is that if a man puts away his wife without any fault on her part, she takes possession of all his property except a drinking vessel and the cloth round his loins. A man and wife may separate by mutual consent, and a wife may quit her husband on giving the value of a slave. Women are really the slaves of their husbands ; they are sold in satisfaction of their debts, and I have heard of men pawning their wives for money to purchase some oflBce, or even a pony." * I must say that I never came across any case in which the rule mentioned above was even cited, and inquiries made among Manipuris of good position only elicited a denial of its existence. The statutory penalty for adultery carrying with it divorce was fifty rupees, the price of an adult slave, and the statement that women are the " slaves " of their husbands, receives a curious confirmation from the fact that a woman is said to become the property of a man (mi-ngonda nai-ha) when she marries.

Decision Of Disputes

The Chief Court which administered the laws and customs of the country was the Chirap, which was composed of twenty- four or twenty-five permanent members as follow :

The Jubraj, the Angom Ningthou, the Wangkhairakpa {lahpa^ or manager of the north quarter ; wang, north ; khai, division), Khurairakpa (manager of the khurai, possibly the skilled workers, khutlaiba meaning hand skilful), Mantri, the Jaisagun lakpa, Pukhrumba, Nongthonba, the Laiphamlakpa, the Ahalluplakpa, the Khabam- lakpa, the Naharup lakpa, the Luang Ningthou, the Moirang Ningthou, Katnam, the Phungnai sang lakpa, the Laipham dewan, the Ahallup dewan, the Eliabam dewan, the Naharup dewan, the Laipham sanglenlakpa, the Ahallup sanglen lakpa, the Khabam sanglen lakpa, the Naharup sanglen lakpa.

There were, in addition, other officers of State entitled to or eligible for seats on the Chirap. The grand total of Chirfip members was between sixty and eighty.* The Paja dealt with all oases in which women were concerned, such as divorce, disputed patermty, marriage rights, etc., and the president of this Court was known as the Paja HtUba.^ The methods employed by the Paja in the decision of cases of disputed paternity were simple, and resemble those in vogue in Ancient Arabia.

The Top garde was the court which tried all cases in which sepoys of the military forces of the coimtry were parties, and was a purely military court. The numerous laMoop officers exercised judicial functions, but the line which in the State organization divided the judicial from the executive functionaries, was so vague and uncertain that it cannot be said that there was any real separation of the two aspects of government, so that every village officer dealt, and was thought to be competent to deal, with all sorts of matters which Western methods relegate to a purely judicial body.

The first thing was to complain (Wa khatpa, to present the story) to the proper authority, and at this, and at every subse- quent stage in the proceedings, the offering of gifts was a necessary act. These gifts must not be regarded as bribes, for native opinion did not approve of the action of a judge who allowed himself to be influenced by these gifts. They really took the place of stamps and court fees, and were payments in kind as often as not. At the hearing and the decision of the case (wd khaiba, or the dividing of the stories) presents were made to the court by both parties. The employment of an oath seems to have been restricted to cases where Nagas or Kukis, foolish persons who attached some sanctity to an oath, were concerned, and the oaths then used are still recognized by them as binding. Water was poured over a gun and a spear, and the Naga would then drink it, or he would take a tiger's- tooth between his lips and swear to the veracity of his tale. The use of the ordeal is rare, but the Chronicles afford sufficient ground for believing that it was in earlier times much more frequent than in the period subsequent to the Hinduization of the Meitheis. We read how, in the course of a trial for high treason and conspiracy against the Raja Chourjit in 1804, one of the accused persons " pleaded himself not guilty, so he was examined before the public, when he put his hands on a burning fire saying that * If I be guilty in any way, and if I have any connection with this conspiracy, my hands will be burnt, other- wise the fire will not injure even a hair of my hands/ To the surprise of every one present there they saw his hands were quite untouched by the fire, consequently the Maharajah was pleased to discharge him." The ordeal by water consisted in plunging the parties underneath the water, and in awarding the case to the party who remained below longest. In this form it is practised by the Nagas.

War

The organization of Manipur, as has been stated in a preced- ing paragraph,* was at first directed solely for military purposes, and during the sixteenth, seventeenth and the early part of the eighteenth centuries was the instrument of the aggrandizement of the State, which at that period exerted considerable influence over the neighbouring territories, extending as far as the Shan States on the east and to Cachar on the west. Neither to the north nor the south did the sovereignty of the Meithei at any time reach beyond the limits which now contain the State. It therefore may rightly be held to have been an organized mili- tary power, although the numerous expeditions of which the Chronicles make mention, seem in many cases to have been little better that mere freebooting raids, in no respect different from those which, even in recent days, have been made by the Xagas and Kukis on the outlying villages in Cachar. The specialized organization which was effected by Gambhir Singh,t created a small but fairly homogeneous force, which against the loose and feebly combined array of the Naga tribes of the north was able to achieve some useful victories, and which, both in the dark days of the Mutiny, and at the anxious time of the siege of Kohima, rendered valuable help to the Paramount Power. Nevertheless, the inherent defects of the Meithei, his dislike of sustained discipline, his preference for diplomatic methods, his employment of irrgular troops, such as the Kukis, and the lack of honesty in those who were responsible for the equipment and commissariat of the forces, deprived the troops of all military value which otherwise they might have possessed at the end of the period of independence in 1891. Yet the Meithei is far from being a coward, and in happier circum- stances, with better leading, might be capable of military virtues.

Head-Hunting

The Chronicles afford sufficient warrant for the statement that, prior to the introduction of Hinduism, the Meithei were in the habit of bringing in the heads of defeated enemies as trophies of prowess. Doubtless this custom disappeared when the gentler customs which are associated with Hinduism became generally adopted in the State.

Miscellaneous

A Meithei, therefore, belonged to the lallup, or militia, possibly to the kei-rup* and always to a Sing-lap, or wood club, which anticipated the modem burial clubs in providing all that was necessary for his cremation.t There is reason to believe that occasionally the Sing-lups meddled in politics. These specialized associations stand in an interesting relation to the constituent elements of Naga villages, where the mechanism of social union is provided by the " genna " system.

The Meitei: Laws And Customs

Contents

Laws And Customs

Political Organization

Internal Structure

Marriage Rules

Inheritance

Adoption

Tenure Of Land And Laws Regarding Land

Laws Regarding Other Property

Decision Of Disputes

War

Head-Hunting

Miscellaneous

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